Pranab Mukherjee Takes Over as 13th President of India: First Bengali To Become Head of State

Veteran Congress leader Pranab Mukherjee has become  13th president of India. He is the first person from West Bengal to occupy the top Constitutional post and the third MP to be elevated to the office of President after Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed and Zail Singh.

The presidential election was a one-sided affair. Mukherjee — who was sworn in by Chief Justice of India S.H. Kapadia on July 25 — secured 68.12 per cent of the total 10,47,971 value votes cast by 4,659 members of the State/Territorial Assemblies and Parliament. Opposition-backed candidate PA Sangma, who was supported by the NDA, the AIADMK and the BJD, managed only 30.15 per cent of the votes.

There were a total of 81 invalid votes, to the value of 18,221. These include that of Samajwadi Party president Mulayam Singh Yadav, whose second ballot was invalidated by the Election Commission, for it violated the vote of secrecy.

Among the 748 Members of Parliament (excluding the nominated members who have no voting right) with the total vote value of 5,29,584, Mukherjee polled 527 votes (3,73,116) and Sangma got 206 votes (1,45,848).

There was some cross-voting in favor of Mukherjee in the BJP-ruled Karnataka: he got votes of 117 MLAs, against the BJP’s 103 in the 224-member Assembly. While three votes were declared invalid, one MLA did not vote.

In Kerala, Mukherjee made a clean sweep, polling all 124 votes; one was invalid. Sangma drew a blank. The CPI and RSP MLAs abstained from voting.

Only former President K.R. Narayanan, secured the maximum value votes of 9, 56, 290 (94.97 per cent), when he won in the 1997 election against the former Chief Election Commissioner, T.N. Seshan.

In the 2007 election, the outgoing President, Pratibha Patil, the first woman to hold the office, defeated the then Vice President, Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, securing 65.82 per cent of the total valid votes. Shekhawat polled 33.18 per cent.

Career Graph

Born on 11 Dec 1935 in Mirati village, Kirnahar disttricy, Birbhum (West Bengal), Mukherjee will embark on a new journey transcending political affiliations in the high Constitutional job with an ease none of his predecessors may have enjoyed because of his experience spanning 45 years in government and politics.

His election to the President's office today comes as a fitting finale for the veteran Congressman from West Bengal, until recently the troubleshooter of UPA, a task he has handled for the past eight years.

Not a lawyer by training but considered an expert in the working of the Constitution and governance, he was ever seen as the perennial 'No. 2' in government.

Mukherjee was a utility man from the days of Indira Gandhi, when he was the powerful Minister of State for Revenue during the Emergency, and later as Finance Minister in the 1980s.

His rise had been steady and such valuable was his contribution to government that his nomination as a Presidential candidate came after a huge dilemma for Congress party, which heads the UPA coalition that has moved from crisis to crisis in the past eight years.

The veteran leader, known for his photographic memory, had become a Rajya Sabha (upper house of the Parliament) member for the first time in 1969.

Mukherjee was for a long time member of the Upper House before his first direct election to the Lok Sabha in 2004 from Jangipur in West Bengal. He repeated his victory in the 2009 elections but had expressed a desire not to contest elections again in view of his advancing age.

Mukherjee was a top-ranking minister and presided over the Union Cabinet meetings in the absence of the Prime Minister during 1980-85.

Of course, Mukherjee had his own bad days in the Congress which he had to quit in the mid-80s after he had evinced interest in becoming the prime minister after the death of Indira Gandhi in 1984. It took some time before he came back into the party but once he was in, there was no stopping his rise once again.

Mukherjee became finance minister again in 2008 after P Chidambaram was shifted to the Home Ministry in the wake of 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks.

Again his importance was seen when P V Narasimha Rao made him Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission as well as Minister of External Affairs. In between he had to quit because he ceased to be a member of Parliament and came back to the Cabinet after reelection.

Mukherjee started his public life in the 1960s in Bangla Congress during the time of former Chief Minister Ajoy Mukherjee of the United Front government when Jyoti Basu was Deputy Chief Minister in West Bengal. He was general secretary of Bangla Congress.

A post-graduate in political science and history, he can recollect any event of historical importance or mundane political and other events, a matter of envy to many of his colleagues.

Son of a senior Congress leader Kinkar Mukherjee from West Bengal, Mukherjee had done MA (history), MA (political science), and LLB, DLitt. He had a brief stint as lawyer, teacher and journalist before he was embedded to his destiny of politics in 1969, when he became a member of the Rajya Sabha.

Mukherjee, who headed 83 GoMs and EGoMs from June 2004 until recently, was Leader of the Rajya Sabha from 1980-85 and later he became Leader of the Lok Sabha. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is Leader of the Rajya Sabha.

When Mukherjee was Finance Minister, Manmohan Singh was appointed RBI Governor in 1982. In what could be described a case of chasing each other's shadow, Singh became Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission from 1985 to 1987, a post Mukherjee later held from 1991 to 1996, when Singh became Finance Minister in P V Narasimha Rao government.

Mukherjee also had a brief stint as Chairman of the Economic Advisory Cell of AICC between 1987 and 1989. Interestingly, Manmohan Singh also held this post, when Congress was out of power between 1999 and 2004.

Mukherjee, who started his career as a college teacher, always carried the traits of a teacher, never hestitating to give a reprimand or two to juniors whether in his party or the Opposition. He was also jocularly called 'GoM Mukherjee' in political circles as he headed 33 Groups of Ministers on various key issues including the recent one on setting up of Lokpal.

The man who headed Joint Committee on Lokpal that included Anna Hazare, Mukherjee has five books published to his credit on political and economic issues and under his editorial guidance, the history of Congress was published in which there was a candid admission of excesses during the Emergency.

Mukherjee was conferred the Best Parliamentarian Award in 1997. Ten years later, he was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second highest civilian honor.

In Congress Party, Mukherjee became AICC treasurer in 1978. Journalists and AICC media department officials still recall Mukherjee's tenure as the Media Department Chairman of the party. Mukherjee was AICC General Secretary in 1998-99.

In 1984-1991, 1996 and 1998, Mukherjee was Chairman of the Campaign Committee of AICC, besides being a member of the Congress Working Committee and Congress Election Committee.

Mukherjee held all the key portfolios, including Defence from May 2004 to October 2006 and External Affairs from October 2006 to May 2009 besides the Finance portfolio, which he held again in 2009 after a gap of 27 years.

In the past, he also held portfolios like Commerce and Steel and Mines, Revenue and Banking (Independent Charge), Shipping and Transport, Industrial Development, Commerce and Supply besides presiding over a number of Parliamentary Committees.

Mukherjee got married to Suvra on July 13, 1957 and has two sons — Abhijit and Indrajit — and daughter Sharmistha. Abhijit is a Congress MLA in West Bengal.

Challenges in New Role

Mukherjee’s new role in Rashtrapati Bhavan (President’s House) will be quite contrary to the one he has just finished playing. The most critical test for Mukherjee as President will no doubt come in 2014 after the general election to the Lok Sabha (lower house of the Parliament). As in the past couple of decades, no one party is likely to get a majority of its own, and the bigger parties would have to depend on the support of alliance partners or new-found friends.

R. Venkataraman in 1989 and Sharma in 1996 followed the principle of inviting the leader of the single largest party to form the government. Rajiv Gandhi declined the invitation in 1989; Atal Behari Vajpayee accepted the invitation, but lasted as Prime Minister on that occasion for just 13 days. With these examples behind him, Narayanan insisted on letters of support from a claimant party’s allies before extending it an invitation to form the government.

Additional Qualities

Used to working long hours, he may have to find new outlets for his unbounded energy. Though it was apparent that the UPA had the numbers, 76-year-old Mukherjee campaigned tirelessly, moving from state to state, winning the support of even rivals in Karnataka, Bihar, Maharashtra and West Bengal. Reaching out to anyone and everyone who matters is a quality Mukherjee is known for. As president, he is expected to build bridges.

After being in the thick of politics for long years, will it be now Presidential activism for Mukherjee? Will he be able to rise above party politics in 2014 when the general election is expected to throw a split verdict? Since the Constitution is unclear about the formation of a government if no party gets a majority, the President is free to exercise discretion. In 1996 Shankar Dayal Sharma invited the BJP to form a government but it fell in 13 days as Atal Behari Vajpayee could not muster enough support. KR Narayanan, setting a precedent, asked for letters of support from the party staking the claim to form a government. How Mukherjee handles such a situation would be keenly watched. That may well be the defining moment for him.

Despite his personal religious observances — which are perfectly in consonance with India’s Constitution —Mukherjee is also a secular politician. One cannot imagine him chuckling with glee while the Babri Masjid was being vandalised or turning a blind ear to the cries of Muslims being massacred in Ahmedabad. As President, he may not be in a position to do either, but this is where a conversation with the late Giani Zail Singh, and what it revealed of British precedents, comes in.

Positive Points

* Constitutional expert: A Constitutional and governance expert, Mukherjee has always been seen as the perennial 'No. 2' in the government.

* Utility man: From the days of Indira Gandhi, Mukherjee's has been her trusted aide. He was the powerful Minister of State for Revenue during the Emergency, and later as Finance Minister in the 80s. For the past eight years, Mukherjee has been the Mr Troubleshooter for UPA.

* Photographic memory: The veteran leader is known for his sharp memory. He can recollect any event of historical importance or mundane political and other events, a matter of envy to many of his colleagues.

* Vast experience: With four decades of active life in politics, Mukherjee knows the Indian political system inside out.

Assessment

It can be said that in Mukherjee, India will have a knowledgeable and pragmatic President who is well-versed in constitutional procedures and practices, and who was, until his nomination as a candidate by the ruling coalition, an active politician and senior Union Minister.

Mukherjee will be a President who could just as easily have been prime minister. There have been presidents who have come straight from the Union Council of Ministers, but none has carried the political weight and executive experience of this man from small-town Bengal. We have little doubt he will dignify the office he is about to step into and leave little room for narrow partisanship.

Unlike Pratibha Patil, who was out of active politics long before she became president, APJ Abdul Kalam, who was a genuinely nonpolitical person in the best sense of the term, and KR Narayanan, Shanker Dayal Sharma and R Venkataraman, who served as vice president before they entered Rashtrapati Bhavan, Mukherjee is making the switch from active politics and governance to the office of President in next to no time.

From the moment Mukherjee’s name was formally proposed by the UPA for the presidency, there was little doubt that the veteran Congress leader would sail through even in the event of a contest. As such, the result of the presidential poll between Mukherjee and Purno A. Sangma, who was backed by some regional parties and the BJP and some of its NDA allies carries no surprise. Given Mukherjee’s standing in public life, everyone expects him to be correct and proper in discharging his duties.

Undoubtedly, the former federal minister for finance, defense and external affairs has not only been one of the country's most important policy-makers in recent times but also that his long career in Government has allowed him to gain a deep understanding of the functioning of the Indian polity. This — an invaluable trait in today's era of coalition politics and tenuous political ties — naturally made Mukherjee the perfect choice as a firefighter of the UPA regime. Over the years, particularly in its second term, as the Congress-led UPA slid into an inert state of policy paralysis, becoming a sitting duck for the Opposition, it was Mukherjee who reached out to the critics, addressed their concerns and built the much-needed consensus.

It is hoped that Mukherjee will keep his promise to the nation and preserve, protect and defend the Constitution. Good luck Mr President!

Economic Survey 2011-12: Inflation Pegged at 6.5 Per Cent, Maintained GDP Growth at 6.9 Per Cent

Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee presented the Economy Survey 2011-12– a report card of the Indian economic scenario for current fiscal– in the Lok Sabha (lower house of the Parliament) on March 15.
Inflation Rate
The Survey pegged inflation at 6.5-7 percent by end of March and projected a further moderation in the next fiscal. Inflation in the current fiscal has largely been driven by high food prices. It had slipped to a low of 6.6 percent in January, but rebounded to almost 7 percent in February. The survey, however, said that fiscal consolidation was the only way to keep inflation down.
The survey said that monetary measures by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and its impact on curbing inflation needed to be studied further to improve efficiency of such actions in the future. Incidentally, the RBI in its mid-quarter review of the monetary policy left key rates unchanged, citing upside risks to inflation.
Growth Rate
The Economic Survey has maintained Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth at 6.9 per cent. The growth in the financial year 2012-13 growth is expected to come in at 7.6 per cent and the financial year 2013-14 growth is pegged at 8.6 per cent.
Indian along with Indonesia showed strong growth despite a global economic slowdown in the final quarter of 2011, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
IMF in its latest provisional report has said the GDP growth of G20 – a grouping of leading economies of the world – slowed to 0.7 per cent in the October-December quarter, compared with 0.9 per cent in the third quarter.
In the United States, GDP growth increased to 0.7 per cent in the fourth quarter, compared with 0.5 per cent in third quarter.
The IMF stated that in India and Indonesia growth increased strongly, but slowed in China to 2 per cent, compared with 2. 3 per cent in the third quarter.
In Japan, economic growth decreased to (-)0.2 per cent, following the strong rebound (+1. 7 per cent) in third quarter.
The Survey states that GDP fell by (-)0.3 per cent in both the European Union and the euro area in the fourth quarter of 2011, the first fall since the second quarter of 2009.
Fiscal Deficit
The Survey states that the fiscal outcome in 2011-12 is likely to be affected by the macroeconomic setting which indicates sharp slowdown in industry and rising costs affecting profits. In the first nine months of the current fiscal, gross tax revenue has grown by 12.2 per cent as against the budget estimate target of 17.3 per cent, it said.
On the other hand, as against a target of 4.9 per cent for the whole year, growth in total expenditure in the first nine months of 2011-12 was 13.9 per cent, which comprised 15.4 per cent growth in non-Plan expenditure and 10.8 per cent growth in Plan expenditure, the survey added.
Per Capita Income
According to the Survey, the per capita income of India stood at $ 1,527 in 2011. The Survey says that this is perhaps the most visible challenge. Nevertheless, India has a diverse set of factors, domestic as well as external that could drive growth well into the future.
The Survey further says that between 1980 and 2010, India achieved a growth of 6.2 per cent, while the world as a whole registered a growth rate of 3.3 per cent. As a result, India’s share in global GDP more than doubled from 2.5 per cent in 1980 to 5.5 per cent in 2010.
Consequently, India’s rank in per capita GDP showed an improvement from 117 in 1990 to 101 in 2000 and further to 94 in 2009. China, however, improved its rank from 127 to 74 during the same period.
Highlights
* India's economic growth estimated at 6.9 per cent in the current fiscal; growth momentum to pick up in next two fiscals to 7.6 per cent 2012-13 and 8.6 per cent in 2013-14.
* RBI expected to lower policy interest rates, as inflationary pressures expected to ease in coming months; A low interest rate regime to encourage investment activity and push forward economic growth.
* Steps required for deepening of domestic financial markets, especially corporate bond market and attracting longer-term inflows from abroad; Efforts at attracting dedicated infrastructure funds have begun.
* The growth rate of investment in the economy is estimated to have declined significantly; borrowing costs up due to a sharp increase in interest rates.
* High borrowing costs and increase in other costs affecting profitability and internal accruals.
* Slowdown in Indian economy largely due to global factors, as also because of domestic factors like tightening of monetary policy, high inflation and slower investment and industrial activities.
* Inflation high, but showing clear signs of slowdown by the year-end; Whole-sale food inflation down to 1.6 per cent in January 2012 from 20.2 per cent in February 2010.
* India remains one of the fastest growing economies of the world; Country's sovereign credit rating rose by a substantial 2.98 per cent 2007-12
* Farm sector growth pegged at 2.5 percent for 2011-12.
* Services sector to grow at 9.4 percent.
* Services sector share in GDP to go up to 59 percent in the fiscal ending March 31.
* Industrial growth pegged at 4-5 percent, expected to improve as economic recovery resumes.
* Inflation on Wholesale Price Index (WPI) was high but showed clear slow down by the year-end. This is likely to spur investment activities leading to positive impact on growth.
* WPI food inflation dropped from 20.2 percent in February 2010 to 1.6 percent in January 2012.
* Calibrated steps initiated to rein-in inflation on top priority.
* India remains among the fastest growing economies of the world.
* Fiscal consolidation on track - savings and capital formation expected to rise.
* Exports grew by 40.5 percent in the first half of this fiscal and imports grew by 30.4 percent.
* Foreign trade performance to remain a key driver of growth.
* Forex reserves enhanced - covering nearly the entire external debt stock.
* Central spending on social services goes up to 18.5 percent this fiscal from 13.4 percent in 2006-07.

Money-Laundering (Amendment) Bill, 2011

Money laundering refers to the process of concealing the source of illegally obtained money. The methods by which money may be laundered are varied and can range in sophistication. Many regulatory and governmental authorities quote estimates each year for the amount of money laundered, either worldwide or within their national economy. In 1996, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimated that two to five percent of the worldwide global economy involved laundered money. However, the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF), an intergovernmental body set up to combat money laundering, admitted that "overall it is absolutely impossible to produce a reliable estimate of the amount of money laundered and therefore the FATF does not publish any figures in this regard." Academic commentators have likewise been unable to estimate the volume of money with any degree of assurance.
Regardless of the difficulty in measurement, the amount of money laundered each year is in the billions (US dollars) and poses a significant policy concern for governments. As a result, governments and international bodies have undertaken efforts to deter, prevent and apprehend money launderers.
PMLA (Amendment) Bill, 2011
Keeping these points in view and to bring prevention of money laundering legislation on par with global norms, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has introduced PMLA (Amendment) Bill, 2011in the Lok Sabha. The Bill seeks to allow confiscation of proceeds of crime even during the trial.
The Bill also provides that in any proceedings relating to proceeds of crime "...it shall be presumed that such proceeds of crime is involved in money-laundering".
The proposed Bill has provision for attachment and confiscation of the proceeds of crime even before conviction, "so long as it is proved that offence of money-laundering has taken place and property in question is involved in money-laundering. The amendment was necessiated in view of India being an important member of the FATF and also chairing its Asia Pacific group. Therefore, it was important to make the existing PMLA in tune with the practice being followed across the world.
Provisions of Indian Law
The Bill proposes to introduce the concept of corresponding law to link the provisions of Indian law with the laws of foreign countries and provide for transfer of the proceeds of the foreign predicate offence in any manner in India.
The Prevention of Money-laundering Act, 2002 was enacted to prevent money laundering and to provide for confiscation of property derived from, or involved in, money laundering. The Act was amended in the year 2005 and 2009 to remove the difficulties arisen in implementation of the Act.
Moreover, the amendment bill seeks to use proceeds of crime as criminal activities and remove existing limit of five lakh rupees of fine under the Act.
About FATF
The FATF, formed by the G7 countries in 1989, is an intergovernmental body whose purpose is to develop and promote an international response to combat money laundering. The FATF Secretariat is housed at the headquarters of the Organization of Economic Cooperation Countries (OECD) in Paris. In October 2001, FATF expanded its mission to include combating the financing of terrorism. FATF is a policy-making body, which brings together legal, financial and law enforcement experts to achieve national legislation and regulatory AML and CFT reforms. Currently, its membership consists of 34 nations and territories and two regional organizations.
In addition, FATF works in collaboration with a number of international bodies and organizations. These entities have observer status with FATF, which does not entitle them to vote, but permits full participation in plenary sessions and working groups.
FATF has developed 40 Recommendations on money laundering and 9 Special Recommendations regarding terrorist financing. FATF assesses each member country against these recommendations in published reports. Countries seen as not being sufficiently compliant with such recommendations are subjected to financial sanctions.

Sub-Quota for Minorities: Is It A New Political Gimmick?

The federal Cabinet has approved a 4.5 per cent sub-quota for minorities, which will be carved out of the 27 per cent quota for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in Central government jobs and Central educational institutions. This means that minorities can claim 4.5 out of every 100 government jobs and university seats (where quotas apply).The decision comes just ahead of the assembly polls in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most politically significant state, where 18per cent of the population is Muslim and is expected to help Congress general secretary's goal of ensuring a good show for the Congress in the forthcoming assembly elections as well as reviving the party in its former bastion in the long run.
Muslims, the most significant minority in Uttar Pradesh, have a significant to decisive vote share in 120 of the state's 403 seats and 21 of the state's 80 Lok Sabha constituencies.
Nationally Declared Minorities
Backward castes and communities belonging to the five listed religious minorities of India — Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists,Christians and Parsis — will be entitled to 4.5 per cent sub-quota within the existing 27 pc reservation currently available to OBCs for appointment and admission to federal government institutions. Even Sikh OBCs will benefit. Since the sub-quota has been carved out for five nationally declared minorities, backward OBCs from these minorities will get the benefit even if they are a majority in a given state.
the 4.5 pc sub-quota could be revised upward after the government receives the final figures of Census 2011 and the Caste Census currently in progress. The current sub- quota is an interim measure based on the OBC population estimates the Mandal Commission had extrapolated based on the 1931 Census data.
The sub quota will specially benefit Muslim OBCs from states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where the population of Muslim OBCs has been on the rise. In case of UP, the growth in Muslim OBC population (as per National Sample Survey Organization rounds which Sachar Committee used) was 17.6 pc in five years.
Uttar Pradesh Assembly Polls
The decision will benefit Muslims more than other minorities as there are many Muslim communities designated as OBCs.
In the 2009 elections, the Congress won 21 Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh, thanks to a shift in the Muslim vote from the Samajwadi Party. But with the gradual return of that vote to the SP, the Congress needed to do something to bring that vote back ahead of next year's Assembly elections.
A decision to this effect was taken at the meeting of the federal cabinet chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The decision will pave the way for reservation in government jobs and educational institutions for minorities as defined in Section 2 (C) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992. It will come in the form of an executive order, which was to be notified later Thursday night and would be applicable from January 1, 2011.Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and Zoroastrians (Parsis) are notified as minority communities under Section 2 (c) of the act.The decision is based on the recommendation of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities (NCRLM). “The caste and communities of the said minorities which are included in the Central list of OBCs notified from time to time by the ministry of social justice and empowerment shall be covered by the said sub-quota,” sources in the government informed.
The NCRLM had pegged the OBC population at 52per cent of the country’s population, of which minorities constitute 8.4per cent. Based on the 2001 census, the Centre proposed a proportionate 4.5 per cent sub-quota for minorities.
According to the cabinet note: “The home ministry mentioned that some OBCs may protest against the ‘perceived’ reduction in the space for non-minority OBCs but that is the inevitable result of providing a quota within the reservation.”
Reservation for India’s 150-million Muslims is likely to have a sharply polarizing effect, even though the November 2006 Sachar Committee Report had found the minority community starkly under-represented in all spheres of professional and public life. The ruling Congress had then promised “reservations” to them in its poll manifesto.
Sachar Committee Report

The Sachar Committee Report entitled, ‘Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community in India’, has initiated a new debate on the social, economic and educational status of Muslims in India. Although the debate has been going on for several decades, quite a few Governments have initiated studies on the community and evolved administrative measures on their basis. The findings are indeed shocking and revealing. What should be our response to this pathetic state of India’s largest minority? On account of a variety of factors, the work of the Sachar Committee and its report has greater significance and relevance than earlier initiatives. The seven-member high-level committee headed by Justice Rajinder Sachar, constituted by the UPA government, has done a great service to the Muslim community and entire country by identifying issues of equity as central to Muslim backwardness. The report states that the minority community in a society may remain deprived of the benefits of opportunities that become available through economic development. The sense of inequity, states the Report, is perpetual or a result of discrimination that the minority may face due to difference in identity.

Explosion Outside Delhi High Court: Terror Acts Continue

A high intensity briefcase bomb exploded near Gate No 5 of the Delhi High Court on 7 September, killing 11 persons and injuring 90 in a major terror attack that struck the National Capital after a gap of three years. Parliament unequivocally condemned the explosion outside the Delhi High Court and adjourned the proceedings till the government gathered facts and made a statement in both the Houses.
Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha Adjourned
The Lok Sabha (lower house of the Parliament) was adjourned until 1230 when Home Minister P Chidambaram was expected to make a statement, while the Rajya Sabha (upper house of the Parliament)was adjourned until 1400.
At the outset, Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar condemned the explosion as a dastardly act and asked the government to make a statement.
Cutting across party lines, leaders condemned the explosions as a cowardly act and said the Lok Sabha cannot continue with business "while people continue to die just over a kilometer from Parliament."
Leaders’ Reactions
BJP veteran L K Advani condemned the incident and urged the Speaker to adjourn the Lok Sabha until the government made a statement on the explosion outside the High Court.
Mulayam Singh Yadav, former Uttar Pradesh chief minister and BSP leader, also asked the Home Minister to make a statement on the issue and requested the Speaker to adjourn the House for the day.
He also said that some foreign nationals came into the country undetected, carried out such incidents, and got way.
JD-U President Sharad Yadav shared the views expressed by members and said the fact that the explosion occurred within a kilometre from Parliament was disturbing.
CPI-M leader Basudeb Acharia termed the explosion as a "disturbing incident" which should be condemned not only by the House but by the entire country.
He too said that the Lok Sabha should be adjourned until noon and the home minister should make a statement on the issue when the House meets.
Bahujan Samaj Party leader Dara Singh Chauhan condemned the explosion and asked the Speaker to adjourn the House until the government made a statement.
Shiv Sena leader Anant Geete noted that even Parliament had been a target of terror attack and the entire nation has to fight this menace unitedly.
DMK leader T K S Elangovan condemned the explosion and asked the Home Minister to "look into it" and take action.
AIADMK leader M Thambidurai strongly condemned the explosion and agreed with the views of his colleagues that the House be adjourned till the Home Minister makes a statement.
Akali Dal leader Harsimrat Kaur Badal said the Lok Sabha should not conduct business till the government made a statement on the incident.
Parliamentary Affairs Minister P K Bansal then informed the House that the Home Minister would make a statement at 1230 following which the Speaker adjourned the House until then.
In the Rajya Sabha, Chairman Hamid Ansari adjourned the proceedings until 1400 to allow the Government to collect information on the explosion.
When the House met for the day, Chairman Hamid Ansari said that a "disturbing news" had just trickled in about a bomb explosion outside the Delhi High Court.
"There are reports of some casualties. This is something to be condemned," he said. "As soon as facts are available, we will request the government to share it with the House," he said, adding that it could be possible by around 1400 and adjourned the House until then.

Indian Parliament Accepts Anna Hazare's Demands

After being reviled for its self-serving ways and incorrigible politicking, the political class delivered when it mattered. Displaying an unerring big-day temperament, political parties surpassed themselves as Parliament gave Anna Hazare a massive victory.
Sensing the public mood, political egos were largely in check. MPs drove home the humbling knowledge that politicians were lagging their constituents. The leaders had become the led.
Agreed Points
After over eight hours of debate around the structure of the Lokpal Bill, the Government and the Opposition in both the Lok Sabha (lower house of the Parliament) and Rajya Sabha (upper house of the Parliament) came together to agree “in-principle” to the three major demands the activist had raised in his letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 26 August as a condition to end his protest.
In doing so, the Parliament, which sat for the longest hours this monsoon session today, paved the way for the Gandhian to end his fast. Anna responded late night after government’s emissary and minister Vilasrao Deshmukh announced the day’s developments amid cheering and roaring crowds at the Ramlila Grounds. “We have won the battle but the war remains. This is your victory. I will end the fast tomorrow in the presence of all of you,” Anna said to his supporters.
Earlier, the two Houses agreed that the anti-graft law, to be effective, must cover corruption by lower bureaucracy through appropriate mechanisms; must have an inbuilt grievance redress system which Anna calls the citizens’ charter and should provide for enabling laws to establish Lokayuktas in states on the lines of the Lokpal at the Centre.
The debate ended amidst members thumping their desks to applaud the agreement which Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee summed up as “the sense of two Houses” which would now be conveyed to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and Justice for its consideration.
Hazare Breaks 12-Day-Long Protest Fast
A day after his 12-day-long fast for a strong Lokpal culminated into a victory for both the civil society as well as Parliament, anti-corruption crusader Hazare on Sunday ended his hunger strike. Anna broke his fast by drinking coconut water with honey, given to him by two girls - five-year-old Simran and Ikra.
Addressing the crowd at Ramlila Maidan after ending his fast, the social activist described it as a victory of every Indian. He also described it as a victory of the media for waking up the people of this country.
Vowing his fight will continue, the Gandhian said the anti-corruption movement was a lesson for the world to learn as to how to wage a nonviolent battle. Anna said the movement instilled trust in us that we can remove corruption from this country.
Asking people to be alert and keep a watch on the Lokpal process, Anna said the movement would have to restart if Parliament fails to pass a strong Lokpal Bill. Anna said it is the power of the people that made Parliament take a decision on Lokpal.
Leaders’ Reactions
Some leaders did hit back at civil society, warning that calling politicians names could draw retaliatory action. Others blamed the media's 24x7 focus for nurturing the agitation. But most were quick to accept that the people's anger was real and needed to be seen as genuine disgust with corruption.
Congress and BJP leaders, who usually do not pass up a chance to have a go at each other, seriously addressed the question of accountability in public life. Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee set the tone by saying MPs should carefully consider the implication of their views but not fail to seize the moment at hand.
In the Rajya Sabha, BJP leader Arun Jaitley said Anna's campaign had outlined relevant demands and reminded the House that democracy could not be so lethargic as to not pass the Lokpal bill 42 years after it was first proposed. CPM's Sitaram Yechury pointed to the need to match intent with practicability. In the Lok Sabha, Congress's Sandeep Dikshit spoke of the urgent need to end Anna's fast.
Some MPs were candid enough to agree that the phenomenon was not limited to Mumbai and Delhi. "We are all getting phone calls from our constituents asking why are we not talking about this," said BJP's Varun Gandhi, MP for Philibhit, in an extempore speech.
Even Janata Dal (United) leader Sharad Yadav's caustic reference to Team Anna member Kiran Bedi's antics and a side-splitting description of how relentless media pressure of the "dabba" (TV) was depriving leaders of their sleep, carried more than a degree of self-deprecation. Politicians, he suggested, had asked for it.
For a discussion that revolved around deeply contentious matters impacting India's federal structure -- usually much less can ignite state sensibilities -- there were not too many interruptions or cat calls in Parliament. Even regular disrupters like Congress's Lal Singh seemed taken in by the gravity of the occasion.
Most speakers had worked hard on their speeches. MPs did not slip into unnecessary hyperbole and stuck to the substance of what was at hand. For a class that has been under fire and subject to most dismissive treatment, they did not fling the muck back.
There was the cut and thrust of politics as Opposition leaders reminded Congress of how a string of scams had created the space for Anna's movement and given it unprecedented legitimacy. There were retaliatory barbs about how the National Democratic Allaince record was not squeaky clean either.
All quarters in Parliament seemed to realize the challenge they face is much larger than one of factional identities. It was not the time to settle internecine scores. The relevance of Parliament itself was questioned. On 27 August, the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha posted a thumping riposte.

Anna Hazare's Movement Against Corruption

This second phase of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government is getting tough. Old issues started opening up soon after the beginning of the second phase. The BJP obstructed the winter session of Parliament. Budget session could continue because MP's had to draw their salaries. The cacophony of corruption to some extent got subdued by Manmohan Singh's cricket diplomacy. But since 5 April, social activist Anna Hazare set on fast-unto-death at the Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, crusading against corruption. Veteran activist Anna Hazare ended his 97-hour hunger strike on 9 April morning after the gazette notification constituting a joint committee for drafting the Lokpal Bill, printed at 0200, was handed over to him. Belonging to a small village of Maharashtra, Hazare has warned the union government to amend the draft bill relating to corruption.

Provision in Lokpal Bil

The draft bill says that the Lokpal (bill to prevent corruption) cannot function independently and cannot initiate probe at his own. He can dispose of cases referred to him by the Lok Sabha (Lower house of Parliament) and the Rajya Sabha (Upper house of Parliament) leaders pertaining to corruption and cannot impact on others.

It is also an irony that the recommendation of the Lokpal may not necessarily be accepted. Lokpal does not have powers to lodge First Information Report (FIR) for initiating investigation against the accused. Simply, the Lokpal can initiate investigation against MP's, ministers and even the prime minister but not against government officials. Whereas, the fact is that corruption moves on with active connivance of officials and politicians.

Another defect of the draft bill is that the prime minister's actions pertaining to defense, internal security, and foreign policies will be outside the ambit of Lokpal. History is evident that most scams take place in defense deals. It is amazing that the blackout has been done at a place where transparency is most required.

According to the Lokpal Bill, its members will come from retired judges and persons approved by selection panels. It gives room for suspicion that the government will fill up the office of Lokpal with people of its choice. On contrary, Hazare demands representation of people from the civil society to detect and address each aspect of corruption. The government denies any such instance where people outside Parliament have been involved in legislative work.

Demand of Situation

Since the country's independence, many big scams have taken place, but insignificant people were caught and the big fish went scot-free. For this, the government has lost the confidence of people in it. That is why in a split of seconds, Hazare's movement is being supported by the common men, intellectuals, industrialists, and other prominent personalities, even film stars.

In the past, no such movement was seen where people rose above the level of sections and groups.Corruption has become a trend in a country and common citizens are a tool for ransom in the hands of politicians. The country got a Messiah in the form of Hazare. The government should wake up and respond to the call of revolution.

WikiLeaks Expose Creates Trouble for UPA Government, BJP

The WikiLeaks expose has proved a headache to several countries in the world, including the United States. It has now come out with some fresh expose, which have added to the woes of the Manmohan Singh government. Although these expose are self-contradictory, which make their veracity doubtful, yet they have created a new problem for the government, which already was under constant attacks by the opposition.

The fresh expose by the WikiLeaks relate to the first term of the United Progressive Alliance government. When the Left Front withdrew support to the then Manmohan Singh government in 2008 on the issue of the India-US civilian nuclear deal, the government, alleges the WikiLeaks, paid bribes to several MPs to get their votes in favor of the confidence motion, and to prove its majority on the floor of the house. The relations between the Manmohan Singh government and the Left Front had soured over the India-US civilian nuclear deal.

The strong objection and opposition to the deal by the Left and withdrawal of its support, led to the apprehension of a midterm election. The government had to work hard to win the majority to its side in the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament). In the end, the government was saved. During a trust vote, it usually happens that parties accuse one another of getting vote by paying money. The same happened in this case too. The opposition including the Left accused the government of buying votes to save itself. During 2008, opposition parties had flashed wades of currency notes in Parliament claiming that they have been paid by the government to buy votes in favor of the trust motion.

Constitution of Joint Parliamentary Committee
A Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) was then constituted to probe the issue, which, in its report, brought the issue to an end. The WikiLeaks information has yet again resurrected the dead issue. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) even went so far as to demand the resignation of the prime minister. The most important aspect of the issue is that the government has refused either to confirm or to deny the latest revelation by WikiLeaks.

According to WikiLeaks, the then US Charge’D Affairs in India Peter Burleigh conveyed to Washington that the BJP’s opposition to the nuclear deal was merely 'public posturing' and its leaders, including L.K. Advani, were 'assuring American officials privately that they were fine with it.'

Double Standard of BJP
Interestingly, Advani, in his blog, attacked Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for maintaining that his government and the Congress stood vindicated against the allegations about 'cash for votes' by the 2009 General Election verdict.

The BJP leader also commended fellow party leader and former External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh for attacking India’s foreign policy tilt towards the US. But not a word is there about the latest WikiLeaks cables.

Meanwhile, the Congress, which had borne the brunt of Opposition attacks because of WikiLeaks cables, appeared clearly pleased with the latest expose. The party wasted no time in scoring brownie points over arch rival BJP, asking the saffron party to apply to itself the same standards it had adopted for the government when it was disrupting Parliament over the past few days.

The government maintains that since the issue relates to the last Parliament and it mentions the correspondence of a sovereign country, the United States and its mission in Delhi, it cannot be discussed. It says the mission enjoys immunity under diplomatic rules and the messages referred to by WikiLeaks can neither be confirmed nor denied. Clearly, the opposition is not satisfied with the clarification made by the government. These parties claim that since the crime has been committed within the borders of the country and Indians were involved in the crime, the government should come out clean on it.

Matter of Conjecture
It is a matter of conjecture, which way the wind will blow, consequent on the confrontation between the opposition and the government on the WikiLeaks expose. The statement made by Ajit Singh in this connection could be a matter of great solace to the government. Ajit Singh has refuted the charge of vote for money against his party in the Parliament. He said he had categorically announced to vote against the government, which his party men did.

Howver, former Union minister and a Congress party leader, Satish Sharma claims that Nachiketa Kapoor, mentioned in the expose by WikiLeaks, as his personal secretary, had never been his personal secretary. Clearly, there are several contradictions in the WikiLeaks expose. It, however, proves how greatly the United States is interested in the internal affairs of India and what kind of relations are there between the United Progressive Alliance government and the United States. For the opposition, this facet of the expose is no less important indeed. It appears that until the elections for the five state assemblies are over, the government would have to continue to face strong attacks from the opposition.

Popular Mind-Set on Corruption

After the complete washout of the winter session of Parliament, its budget session commenced on Monday. During the last session, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and other opposition parties had created a ruckus on their demand for a probe in the 2G Spectrum scandal by a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). The opposition did not let the two Houses of Parliament function. The entire session fell victim to chaotic din and uproar.

2G Spectrum Case
The government was endeavoring to ensure smooth functioning of the current session. It appeared almost certain that the government might concede the demand of a JPC to probe the 2G Spectrum case. With this in mind, the Speaker of the Lok Sabha convened an all-party meeting two days before the commencement of the session where, the prime minister, reportedly, accepted the demand of the opposition in principle. It is expected that on the very first day of the motion of thanks to the address by the president, the formation of the JPC may be announced and the budget session would be saved. If this takes place, it would certainly be a huge jolt to the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), because the opposition may take it as its victory.

It is common knowledge that the opposition merely wanted to manifest its political strength and it succeeded in blackmailing the UPA in the name of the budget session. Further, it is clear that even if the JPC probes the 2G Spectrum case, it may not be able to give any major direction or make any startling revelation. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has already arrested former Communication Minister A. Raja in this case. Beside him, there are several other persons of high stature behind the bar. The Supreme Court, too, is rather active on the case. In this scenario, should a JPC be formed and commenced its probe, it would have an adverse impact on the corrupt and dishonest section in the country. Nor it would be able to prevent corruption in the future.

Preventing Malpractices
In a country where the society does not look down upon thieves and dishonest persons, such kind of malpractices cannot be prevented. In our society, people do not take a theft as a theft. One can see everywhere that power is being stolen as if the theft of water and power supply is no crime. Likewise, if traveling in buses and trains were considered, if there is no checking on a day, seventy percent people would travel without ticket. If there were a one Rupee coin lying on the road, dozens of persons would bend to pick that coin up. None would even think that the coin does not belong to him. In this country, things have come to such a pass that encroachment on public land is considered no crime; instead it shows one's muscle power. What one can expect then from public servants and officers? Even those considered to be honest use official phone for making personal calls free. They do not consider it a sin to take up private work during office hours and taking official stationery home for children. Coming late to office and sitting idle through the day, bureaucrats and the public servants take it as their birth right. In such a scenario, even if A. Raja were put behind bars for a few years, would it change the country?

The very same BJP, which is crying hoarse over corruption, is not clean itself either. One of its presidents was caught on camera while taking bribe. When the BJP was in power, taking commission in the purchase of arms and equipment had attracted limelight. The BJP appeared in its true color when it imprisoned journalists who had blown the lid off scandals. Recently, the Karnataka chief minister indulged in several malpractices. Yet, the BJP could not muster the least courage to take any action against him.

Only the future would decide whether the opposition members who stood up on their chairs during the last session of Parliament to raise slogans, were sincerely pained by corruption or they had demanded the JPC only to corner the government. There are no hopes that the country would be saved and no such scandal s would take place.

President's Address to Joint Session of Parliament
Addressing a joint session of the two Houses on the opening day of the budget session, President Pratibha Patil pointed out that a Group of Ministers (GOM) was considering the issue of tackling corruption, increasing transparency and using legal, administrative and other measures for the purpose. The GOM would submit its report soon. Referring to the black money stashed in foreign banks, the president stressed that the government would leave no stone unturned to bring that money back and to punish the guilty. She added that the government was fully aware of the bad effect the black money has on the economy. Such money relates to either avoidance of tax on money earned honestly or earned through illegal means. She said that to combat the menace, state governments and its agencies and the other agencies responsible for implementation of laws, would have to strive seriously and concertedly.

The president said that steps have been taken to facilitate exchange of information for tax purposes with countries where Indian nationals may have stashed their ill-gotten wealth. Yet, we all know it well that unless the deep-rooted dishonesty in the country is brought to an end, the government may not be able to combat such irregularities. There is the need to launch a concerted campaign against dishonesty in the country. There is need to inculcate a sense of honesty among the people. Unless this is done, we cannot get rid of corruption.

Women's Reservation Bill and Indian Politics

After passing of the Women's Reservation Bill in the Rajya Sabha (Upper House of the Parliament), it now looks certain that the bill will be passed in the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the Parliament) and state assemblies, and women will at last get their rightful 33 percent seats in the Parliament and state assemblies. The country had to wait for 14 years for the revolutionary change, which is enough to explain to the people that there was no consensus among political parties to explain to the voter what they paid lip service outside the Parliament.

Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Left parties to come together on one issue was the reflection of political compulsions in which the thinking was that if the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) presents the bill in the Parliament and if the opposition stands like a wall blocking it, then the people of the country will get the impression that the opposition is not ready for the bill.
The opposition had no choice but to support the bill, and because of these compulsions the opposition supported the bill without a murmur, for which very few examples can be found in the country. If this had not been the case, the bill would have gone into cold storage for another three-four years.

New Phase in Country's History
As far as the Congress party is concerned, it was important to get the Women's Reservation Bill accepted. The UPA in its first regime had won two big successes. First it was the Right to Information Bill and the second was the Right to Employment Bill. Along with this was the waiver of farmers' debt, which led to many good consequences. It was because of these bills only that the party had been able to come to power for a second time. In the second phase, it had no important reservation to speak of, which is why it was important for it to get the Women's Reservation Bill passed.

The Rajya Sabha gave a new phase in the country's history on 8 March. Whatever might have been the political compulsions and political reasons for the historical achievement, the credit goes to UPA's chairperson Sonia Gandhi. If she had not taken the initiative, the bill would have remained a dream. By taking a special interest in the matter she showed the nation the victory of this day. If she had not convinced the country of the importance of the bill then it would have remained a mere dream and would not have become a reality. It should be kept in mind that the government took great risk in presenting the bill. If it had not succeeded, then the government would have been surrounded by danger.

Threat to UPA Government
In a similar manner, the government had taken the risk in signing the nuclear agreement with the United States and took the risk of UPA allies withdrawing their support. The opposition gave its support for the Women's Reservation Bill. But after this, in presenting the budget, the government will face tremendous difficulties. The opposition will try and prevent the budget from being passed and this will be an occasion to give the government a tough time.

The other point to be noted is that the two allies of the government, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Samajwadi Party (SP) must be very angry at the passing of the bill and the manner it has been cooperating with the government will come to an end. In spite of all this, Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh took the risk, and today, when the bill has been approved, it faces another danger.

Prestige of Parliament
The Congress, however, should not forget that whatever happened in the Rajya Sabha, it is to be blamed to a large extent, as much as the SP and RJD members are to blame. It is said that its members are better behaved and more polite than the Lok Sabha members. But the fights and the fisticuffs that have taken place here are hard to imagine. The way the members moved to attack the chairperson has caused it great loss of prestige. If the Congress had prepared its allies from before for the passage of the bill then, maybe, all that has happened may not have been a blot on the prestige of the Parliament.

Other incidents happened in the Rajya Sabha, but usually its proceedings were conducted in a dignified manner. It was the responsibility of the Congress to prevent such disrespect to the chair. The country will have to live with this disrespect to the chair, which is unacceptable. As it is the responsibility of the opposition to maintain the dignity of the house, it is the responsibility of the ruling coalition also.

Women's Reservation Bill Passed

At last, the magic of democracy worked and the country created a new history. For women, 33 percent seats have been reserved in the legislature, Parliament, and state assemblies of the country. However, the bill that had been waiting to become law for the past 16 years had to struggle a lot this time as well.

A handful of MPs, who put obstacle in the path of this bill, crossed all limits of propriety. They did not even spare Hamid Ansari, chairman of the Rajya Sabha [Upper House of the Parliament] and the country's vice president. The entire country was watching their shameful behavior with awe for the last two days. At the end, the bill could not be passed on 8 March, and it had to be deferred until the next day.

History Written
The next day also, this handful of people did not refrain from their unruly behavior. As a result, marshals were called in and these MPs were physically whisked away from the House. After that, there was no one who could stop history from being made. Then, there was discussion on the bill followed by voting to pass it, which added a new chapter of women's empowerment to the golden pages of our democracy. Undoubtedly, political parties that showed the courage to take positive initiative for the country's better future, rising above their narrow political interests, deserve to be commended for this historic step.

Although there was a very brief debate on the bill in Parliament, whatever was said must have removed several kinds of misunderstandings among people. Another thought given to the measure was that, instead of constituencies, why should not it be made compulsory for political parties to give 33 percent tickets to women conditions.

Rotation System
Leader of the Opposition Arun Jaitley clarified how this system is in force in the United Kingdom, and has not provided desired benefits to women. However, when reservation was implemented in parliament in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the African country Rwanda, a large number of women were successful in winning elections.

Rotation system has been implemented so that in 15 years, for which this present system of reservation is valid, a woman represents every seat of the Lok Sabha, at least once. Although this bill has to still get approved by the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to become a law, we have certainly taken a concrete step for half the population.

Demand for Separate Statehood for Telangana

After facing great pressure, the Central Government has conceded to the demand for a separate Telangana State for which the process will be initiated and an appropriate resolution moved in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly. The decision was taken at a late night meeting Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had with Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K. Rosaiah after two rounds of consultations in the Congress core committee with Sonia Gandhi and senior cabinet colleagues. The Centre and the Congress were forced to take such a step after further deterioration in the health of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) chief K. Chandrasekhar Rao, whose indefinite fast entered the 11th day on 9 December and tension simmered in the entire Telangana region apprehending the worst.
Telangana region accounts for 119 of the 294 Assembly seats in Andhra Pradesh and 17 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats. The TRS, which was formed in 2001 on the plank of a separate Telangana State by Rao after he quit the TDP, was part of the UPA after the 2004 elections. It parted ways with the Congress in 2006, saying the UPA was doing nothing on its demand. While in the 2004 elections his party won five Lok Sabha seats, it managed only two seats in 2009 and suffered severe erosion in the Assembly elections as well.

Why this Demand?
The main reason was that the Congress Party, which was in power at the Centre as well as in the state, was in the forefront of the demand. A political solution was facilitated in 1973 when it became clear that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was not in favour of a separate state. This time round, the agitation is led by the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, although Congressmen of the region also appear to be supportive. But more significantly, the Opposition parties, notably the Telugu Desam and the BJP, have jumped into the fray. It is not yet clear if this complicating factor will lend the demand a decisive edge, especially since the condition of fasting Chandrasekhar Rao appears to be delicate. The Congress leadership appears to be in a fix. It would certainly like to call the shots in the Assembly of the new state, should its formation become inevitable. It has the strength from the Telangana districts in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly.
In fact, the issue of a separate Telangana State has been hanging fire for the past so many years as successive governments at the Centre and in the State have been dithering over it. The region, with 119 out of 294 seats in the State Assembly, has long been neglected. Indeed, lack of development of this region is the root cause of the problem. The Congress fought the 2004 elections jointly with the TRS, promising separate statehood. However, as the Congress backtracked, the TRS parted ways with it. Former Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy was strongly opposed to Telangana. He felt that it would further trigger the demand for a separate Rayalaseema State, leading to the trifurcation of the State.
In addition, the historical poverty from the Nizamshahi period has persisted in the Telangana area whereas the wealth of the delta districts has grown, and many from coastal Andhra — the wealthy and the middle classes — have homed in on Hyderabad, offering competition in the economic sphere to the people of Telangana. Similar problems have dogged many States and have been dealt with reasonably. The risks attendant on small States should not be overlooked.

Dealing With Untoward Situation
However, there are two separate ironies in the situation. The first pertains to the idea of a hungerstrike culminating in the formation of a State. When the Andhra Gandhian Potti Sriramulu undertook a fast unto death in 1952 and made the supreme sacrifice doing so, the then Jawaharlal Nehru government was obliged to concede the demand of a linguistic state comprising the 11 Telugu-speaking districts of the erstwhile Madras state. Not doing so is likely to have produced an impossible situation. It is not wholly clear if the circumstances surrounding the Telangana demand now admit of a similar possibility, but the context has become troubled. It is perhaps necessary that the Centre steps in to ward off an untoward situation.
Moreover, at the political level, it might be beyond the ability of the three-month-old Rosiah government in Andhra Pradesh to tackle the demand. But an intervention by the Congress leadership could make it easier to address the demands of the regional development of the backward Telangana districts if the formation of a new State is to be headed off. The alternative is to accept the demand on terms that are acceptable on all sides. In that case too, the Centre might be better placed to play honest broker. The second irony lies in the twist of history. The time will better tell the story.