Sri Lankan Government Responsible for Global Interferences

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) says that according to United Nations conventions and other related agreements to which Sri Lanka has been a signatory, the government cannot oppose any suggestions made by its Secretary General Ban Ki-moon or its member states in matters pertaining to probes in the context of those agreements and conventions.

The country also subscribes to the principle that people should not allow foreign powers to interfere in our internal affairs and to challenge our sovereignty. But we do have to work in concord with the world. It is the government that is paving the way for international forces to intercede in our matters and to challenge our sovereignty by its acts of political revenge, human right violations and other antidemocratic activities.

Human Rights Violations
The various other criticisms are being made about the escalating interference by other countries. Such interference has apparently increased in the recent past. He observed that UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon recently said that a special panel should be appointed to probe human rights violations allegations against Sri Lanka.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has made public his firm resentment of this suggestion, but it is nothing but an attempt to deceive the people. Meanwhile, 'political infants' cradled in the lap of the government too shout down the suggestion made by Ban Ki-moon. All this melodrama is mere intentional posturing aimed at harnessing more votes in the coming general election. If they are true patriots they should be shouting in front of the President's House instead of demonstrating opposite the British High Commission.

Rebuilding Country
The need to rebuild this country is being strongly felt now that terrorism has been totally rooted out of this country. The United Nations and various other countries have stressed this point. The United Nations and the Sri Lankan Government agreed on certain matters and eventually both issued a joint statement. Certain actions that have to be implemented first and foremost in this regard have been highlighted in that statement such as conciliation among communities, national unity, impartiality, etc.

Moreover, the statement stressed the importance of resettling the internally displaced people in their native places and the need to provide them with sustainable livelihoods. The resolution asserted that human rights should be upheld and a transparent and acceptable administrative structure in the country be ensured while the Sri Lankan Government would be held accountable for any lapses in any of these areas. But the country is presently overwhelmed with media oppressions, political feuds, illegal activities, antidemocratic activities and blatant human rights violations. Hence, not a single pledge agreed upon in the UN agreement has been fulfilled.

Negative Ambience
In such a negative ambience, it is inevitable that the United Nations would step into the picture at some point of time. We too disapprove of interference by other countries in our affairs. But it is the government that helped create this situation.

The government speaks in English to establish various agreements with foreign bodies but deceives the people by speaking to them in Sinhalese on these matters. In addition, Ban Ki-moon only said that he wants to appoint a panel to observe the situation here. He never said he was going to appoint a team to investigate. But the government distorted his remarks and is trying to make fools out of people.

The people should understand that the government would obviously engage in this kind of ruse, particularly at election time. But to deceive the public with such colossal lies is despicable. If we have threats from foreign powers it is the government that invited such interference in it. Therefore, do not get deceived by the theatrics of the government. They are only good at play acting and know nothing about ruling a country.

Future of Tamil Politic and Parties

No matter how terrifying the cobra might look, only a few people would be afraid of it, if it was known that its venomous fangs have been removed. The armed struggle of the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Ealam (LTTE) became intense only after its mentor S.J.V. Chelvanayagam said, that only Almighty God can save the Tamil nation. However, it was seen that the decades-long struggle of the LTTE did not see any salvation in the end. In the meantime, emerging facts indicate that the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the only progeny of the LTTE is also becoming weak and diluted especially at a time when it should be fortifying itself.

Soon after Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa emerged victorious in the 2005 presidential election, his party launched a number of 'divide and destroy' ploys, which turned out to be very successful. Many political parties that were majestically portraying themselves as strong representatives of minorities, soon started to deflate. Many United National Party (UNP) front liners succumbed to this ruse and left the party to join the ruling regime. UNP deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya also left the party to join the government.

Trap of Divide and Destroy
In this backdrop, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) buildup great hopes of becoming the next major opposition party and moved ahead accordingly, only to be ensnared in the government's trap of divide and destroy. Subsequently, Wimal Weerawansa, the JVP's pinup boy and stalwart of the party, left the party along with some senior members and formed the National Freedom Front. This dealt a considerable blow to the JVP and weakened it to the core.
At this juncture, an important matter should be pointed out. In the past, Karuna Amman, one time Eastern commander of the LTTE, left the movement after a conflict his peers. Present Eastern Chief Minister Chandrakanthan, alias Pillayan, a hardcore member of the LTTE, also followed Karuna's footsteps. Both Karuna and Pillayan announced later that they are entering the path of democracy by forming a political party.

In fact, the objective of this article is not to explore the developments of their party but it is well known that the newly formed party was grounded even before take off mainly because of the disagreements of its founders. Karuna and Pillayan then openly expressed conflicting views and this situation developed into mini-warfare in the East. At present, Karuna and Pillayan have joined the government representing two different factions.

Dominance of LTTE
Amid this chaos, the TNA somehow held itself together and chugged along in its chosen path without falling prey to the ploy of 'divide and destroy' for some time. However, the clout that the TNA wields at present is a far cry from its original depiction. The alliance had been a group that was controlled by a remote device, which was operated by the LTTE leadership. The LTTE decided and finalized the next move of the TNA. Noticeable objections did not spring from the TNA when the LTTE had been a formidable power to reckon with. This submissiveness of the alliance toward LTTE had been a public secret.

There was another reason for this attitude of the alliance. The popularity of the LTTE played an illusive but large role in all the political successes of the TNA. The dominance of the LTTE was directly seen in the political pursuits of the TNA. There was a time when the TNA enjoyed the most numbers of seats among Tamil parties in Parliament, thanks to the awe-inspiring influence of the LTTE.

It is a thought whether the elimination of the LTTE is the reason for the present downfall of the TNA. Desertions and disagreements are accepted norms in any political party. Take for instance, the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, where members of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam are constantly crossing over fences. Intermittently, someone would start new political parties too. However, the consequences of these crossovers and counter-crossings would only reflect within the respective parties and rarely would affect the public in the Tamil Nadu.

Situation in Sri Lanka
Unfortunately the situation in Sri Lanka is different. Which Tamil political party can call itself influential to exert any pressure on the government? The Sinhala majority is well aware that TNA is representing the Tamil community to a considerable extent with its 22 MPs but if it becomes defused and dissolved, no one would seek its support during an election.

It is well-known that the TNA's decisions had wielded lot of influence in the recent presidential elections. However, after the results were announced, certain disagreements that had been lurking inside the alliance have now come to light. One wonders if this situation would have come into being if General Sanath Fonseka had won the presidential elections. If the alliance had left the decision to people without taking sides, it had to lean on the winner and claim it is him they had been supporting. But the alliance did not employ this tactic and this proves that TNA was not able to prudently handle an intricate situation to its advantage.

The TNA is not a children's club. It is party that has intellectuals and weathered politicians in its membership. Therefore, everyone in it should be held responsible for not being able resolve their disagreements. While it is indisputable that this is a setback for the TNA, the results of the forthcoming general election will prove the real strength of the TNA.

The LTTE could not attain a sustainable victory, even with the use of air and sea attacks. Even the movement's formidable international network failed disastrously. In such a context it is highly questionable if the alliance could achieve anything by being a mere political party which too had become shaky with disunity. However, the nature of the outcome of this situation largely rests with the decision the Tamil community would eventually make at the coming general elections. The fact that some front liners of the alliance have left the party also gives dejection to its supporters and makes the party look desolate.

It was a noticeable fact to a certain extent during the recently concluded presidential elections that the Tamil community was not in any way influenced by the disagreements that prevailed within the TNA because it had been a contest that presented a simple choice of selecting between two major contestants. Huge campaigns were not needed to convince the people as to whom they should vote for. Merely following the media reports was sufficient to make decisions. Moreover, there was an attitude of indifference in the air especially among the Tamils over this election and it was obvious that whatever the outcome of presidential election, it was not going make any big difference in the outlook of the alliance. Ironically, even though the TNA supported General Fonseka, it also indirectly benefited when the general lost the fight.

However, it should be understood that parliamentary elections is total different ballgame. Even a small slip in this contest would lead to a major loss for the alliance and could in turn mar the future survival of TNA. As a result, the alliance has been pushed into a corner and it has the irrefutable duty of providing the correct guidance for the Tamil community in this election. Undoubtedly, the TNA supporters would be confused, if totally different views are presented by the members who remain in the party and by those who have deserted the same.

Anyone's opinion could emerge victorious. The success lies in the way opinions are handled and presented. But no one can deny that the political clout of the Tamil community would be eventually mutilated by this type of in-house clashes. Some of those who left the alliance and pledged that they would contest as a separate party have ultimately joined the ruling party.

Tug-of-War Game
If few players leave their side in tug-of-war game that has an equal numbers of contestants, the team that lost its players will be affected. It would not make any difference if the players who abandon their side did not join the opposition. The side that loses players invariably would become weaker because of imbalance.

In the meantime, the issue of internal displacements, along with the present state of inactivity confronting the Tamil expatriates after the defeat of the LTTE, has constituted a major blow to the Tamil political parties. However, it is small consolation that certain groups are still fighting to preserve their Tamil identity with never ebbing zeal.

However, blending the efforts of local as well as expatriate Tamils is vital to make the strife of establishing a Tamil identity really productive. These factions have the paramount responsibility of rebuilding regional nationalistic attitudes while reviving the diminished fortitudes. For instance, it would not be very prolific talking about liberation and freedom to a person who is worrying about his next meal. In addition, the local factions as well as the Tamil Diaspora, who are striving for a Tamil nationalistic identity should realize that a community that had been suffering with basic livelihood restrains would not have the inclinations to think about colossal issues such as political rights, freedom, liberation, etc.

Therefore, parties that have nationalistic aspirations should try to shred their differences as much as possible. They should also be attentive in trying to provide immediate solutions to the basic problems of the people. At the same time, they should prepare themselves to address broader issues in due course. This is relevant to expatriates as well.

If the Tamil parties continue to be at each other's throats, they will eventually fall into the 'divide and destroy' trap. Ultimately, the political apparatus of the Lankan Tamil race would irretrievably fall into a bottomless pit.

Global Contradictions Over Lankan Politics

Waves of political violence which threatened the country during the presidential election have now translated into a political tug-of-war. This, which commenced just after the election peaked on 26 January when a special battalion commanded by Major General Sumith Manawadu besieged the Cinnamon Lakeside Hotel in Colombo, is now on the boil.
The shockwaves let loose in Southern Sri Lanka following the arrest of General Sarath Fonseka at his office by the military police on o8 February continue to reverberate throughout the country.
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna leader Somawansa Amerasinghe, who was with Sarath Fonseka at the time of his arrest said 15 military police personnel stormed Fonseka's office and arrested him while the hotel was surrounded by the Army. The arrest that took place while President Mahinda Rajapaksa was in Russia and opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was in India not only triggered a state of tension in Southern Sri Lanka but widened the chasm of ill-will that existed between the government and Western countries.

Victory Over LTTE
We would do well to remember that the arrest of Sarath Fonseka will impact dramatically since he was the Army commander that took the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to victory.
The government is actively engaged in effecting extensive changes in the Army hierarchy as well as in the police. These structural changes that began with the conclusion of the presidential election on 26 January continued until Sarath Fonseka was arrested.
Approximately 40 high officials of the Army and 208 officials from the police were transferred. Fourteen other Army officials were sent on compulsory retirement in accordance with Army regulations introduced in 1992.
This was only the second time in the country's history that such a large number of Army officials have been sent home under compulsory retirement. Such compulsory retirement was enforced in 1999 too. Services of several front line commanders were terminated in that year. They were forced into premature retirement on the basis of military considerations but the recent spates of terminations were imposed for political reasons.
Following the "Unceasing Waves" operation launched by the LTTE in 1993 a large number of Army officials were sent on compulsory retirement on the orders of former President Chandrika Kumaratunge by the then Army Chief Srilal Weerasuriya. Lionel Balagalle, who was the chief of defense staff at that time, had terminated the services of seven Army officials after trying them in a military court.
Transformation in the entire Army structure is underway now. Consequent to Sarath Fonseka's arrest, there have been demonstrations in several parts of Southern Sri Lanka on 10 and 11 February. The demonstrations broke out into open clashes in several areas.

Charges Against Fonseka
The charges leveled against Sarath Fonseka by the government are as follows:
* Engaging in political activities while in service.
* Conspiring in a plot against the president.
* Providing refuge to over 1,500 Army deserters.
* Committing fraud in arms purchases.
The government is preparing to prosecute Fonseka in a military court. But opposition parties allege that the objective of the government to try him in a military court is targeted at suppressing the opposition and expelling Sarath Fonseka from the political firmament.
It is alleged that the government is attempting to secure a large majority at the next parliamentary elections by suppressing opposition parties.
Against this backdrop, fears are being expressed that there are possibilities of Sri Lanka being converted into another Myanmar which China dominates now through the suppression of opposition political parties. Sarath Fonseka's future depends entirely on whether the West will permit this to happen or not.
As far as China is concerned, the experience is that she always abstains from expressing views openly on internal affairs relating to neighboring countries. She adopted the same strategy on the affairs of Myanmar as well. But China subsequently strengthened its ties with Myanmar through economic, military, and infrastructure assistance. When close ties between China and Myanmar were established, Myanmar expelled India and other countries which sought to exercise undue influence in her affairs. Subsequently, China came out openly in support of Myanmar.
China and Russia jointly supported Myanmar at the UN Security Council using their Veto power to full effect. Western diplomats now view developments in Sri Lanka through the prism of the Burmese precedent. The recent views expressed by the Chinese president and the Chinese foreign spokesman, on Sri Lanka, are seen as significant policy stances in the Chinese foreign policy choices.
The Asian Human Rights Organization has said that the economic development achieved in China over the last two decades and its domination over Myanmar made this country feel that its close ties with China was essential.

Change in Myanmar Government
Although China and Myanmar developed their ties on the underpinning of broad commercial interests, China subsequently began to influence Myanmar in political and foreign affairs.
China strongly backs the military junta in Myanmar to this day. Opposition parties in Myanmar were suppressed in the same manner in which China suppressed opposition at home. In short, China did not want to disturb the status quo of her financial/economic interests in Myanmar by effecting a change in the Myanmar Government.
The activities of opposition parties are totally suppressed in countries where China has a foothold, western diplomats say. Some of them contend that the changes taking place in Sri Lanka too incite similar fear in their minds.
Sri Lanka is trapped in a hive contradictions fenced in by China, India and Western nations. One of these forces will in the end succeed in getting a stranglehold over Sri Lanka. Other foreign powers will come into the equation, seeking allies within this country. Those allies could very well turn out to be the minority Tamils or the opposition alliance.

Would Presidential Election Result in Significant Changes?

The largest ever number of presidential candidates in the history of this country is contesting the coming presidential election to be held on 26 January. Nominations for the election were accepted on 17 December. The Election Commission announced nominations had been registered from 22 contenders with one being rejected.

Significant Election
The coming presidential election in considered to be significant in several aspects. The United National Party [UNP], which has contested all elections since independence has for the first time in its own history not fielded a party candidate to contest the election, but is instead supporting a common candidate of an opposition alliance led by the party.
The contest at the election is set to be a close tussle between two main candidates who have emerged as the most powerful contenders. This has turned out to be another crucial aspect of the election. It will be no surprise if this election runs into the second count of preferential votes to come up with the winner.
As far as the election law of Sri Lanka is concerned, if a candidate fails in the first count to secure 50 percent of the votes polled, the second count of preferential votes has to be done to decide on the winner. This would be a new factor in the election history of Sri Lanka because there has been no precedent for a need of a second count. The previous highest number of presidential candidates at one election has been 13.
Thirteen candidates contested presidential elections in 1999 as well as in 2005. Only three candidates contested the 1988 presidential election. This is the lowest number of candidates at a presidential election. Twenty-two candidates contesting the presidential election to be held next year is a new record. Of the two main presidential candidates Mahinda Rajapaksa or Sarath Fonseka will win the election and the other 20 candidates are well-aware of this fact.
Then, why are they contesting? There are several reasons that can be attributed for this, the most important one being that of splitting votes to deprive both leading candidates of a majority in the first count.
Their next objective is that no other candidate or party should get votes from their electorate. Their thinking is that the votes, which could be potentially polled against Mahinda Rajapaksa should not be secured by Sarath Fonseka and those votes of supporters of the UNP and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna [JVP] who do not want to cast their votes to Fonseka should not vote for Rajapaksa. It is on the basis of this train of thought that a large number of candidates is contesting the coming presidential election.
Although a large number of candidates is contesting this election it is very doubtful as to whether they will be able to even save their deposits or at best draw 100,000 votes each.

Tamil Vote Bank
The Tamil vote bank has become indispensably valuable to two main candidates. There is a reasonably conducive atmosphere, in which Tamils can go to the polls as compared with the atmosphere that existed back in 1988.
While the chief presidential candidates are in the field exploiting the military victory, the main question that begs and answer is : For which candidate will the Tamil people, who are subjected to the miseries and sufferings of war, vote this time.
The number of registered voters in the north is 1 million. Similarly, as per the census conducted in the year 2007 the number of registered Tamil voters in the east is 400,000. Therefore, approximately 1,300,000 voters are eligible to cast their votes in the North and East. Leaving them aside there is also a considerable number of Tamil voters living in Colombo and its outskirts.
In these circumstances, election analysts say, the candidate who secures the Tamil vote will win the election. But Tamil voters have no particular desire to have any truck with either of the two main candidates. Both of them have earned a good measure of animosity and hatred from the Tamil community. It is against this backdrop that every one awaits anxiously the decision that the Tamil voter will finally take.
Sivajilingam, Tamil National Alliance [TNA] MP, is also contesting the election as an independent candidate and his objective might be that of securing the votes of Tamils who are in the bitter grip of hatred toward the two main contenders. Similarly there are also three Muslim candidates in the presidential election to further divide the votes of the Muslim voters who do not favor the candidacy of both Fonseka and Rajapaksa.
Former MP Illiyas is contesting as an independent candidate. Myown Mustapha, who was holding the portfolio of deputy higher education minister, is also contesting as an independent candidate. He crossed over from the UNP to the ruling party. As such he might divide the Muslim votes of the UNP.
In addition to these two candidates another Muslim candidate called Ismail is also contesting the election on the Democratic United National Front [DUNF] ticket.
Since three Muslim candidates are contesting there is a possibility of the Muslim votes being split. Another fact with regard to the main Muslim parties is that they are either with the ruling alliance or with the UNP. Meanwhile, Wickremabahu Karunaratne, leader of the New Left Front, will also divide the votes of Tamils.
In sum, there are Sinhala candidates to divide the votes of the Sinhala people and Tamil candidates to divide Tamil votes. As such, the possibilities of all votes being divided are many. The minor candidates can only hope for creating a negative impact only at the point of the first count. It is at this point that the second count becomes significant.
In the face of the claim made by the main political parties that they will abolish the presidential system of government this could well turn out to be the last presidential election we will see. A total of 14,088,500 persons are eligible to cast their votes at the election this time.
Of these voters 1,955,312 voters do not have identity cards. The relevant statistics are for districts other than Jaffna.

Election Law Specification
The election law specifies that those who do not possess identity cards cannot cast their votes and should this be rigidly applied a large number of Sri Lankans would be deprived of their right to vote. Similarly, 190,000 easterners also do not have national identity cards. Meanwhile, 42 percent of the voters in Vavuniya District is said not to have identity cards.
However, the election secretariat states that action is being taken to issue special identity cards to those who do not have national identity cards. We, however, do not know how far this would be fruitful. Tamil voters might especially be deprived of voting or they would deliberately give the election a miss.
Although there are more than 20,000 displaced civilians in Jaffna, less than 1,000 voters have applied to cast their votes. This is a clear example to show Tamil voters are not keen on the election. The international community is as keenly interested as we all are to know, which way the Tamil vote will go. This election will help all concerned to arrive at conclusions about certain long outstanding doubts and questions.

Scrapping of Executive Presidential System in Sri Lanka

There is an imperialists' conspiracy by the US Government to get General Sarath Fonseka-now on a private visit to the United States-to give evidence against Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, to draft a charge sheet against him. Meanwhile, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has most courageously informed the United States that he was the commander-in-chief who gave orders to execute the war, so the United States should inquire from him, if they had any questions about the war matters in Sri Lanka.

Courageously speaking on behalf of the army commander, president has said that he would make himself accountable for the good as well as ill effects of the war. It is clear that the president is not prepared betray the valiant military officers. This is the first instance where a sacrifice of this nature has been made in the recent history of the country.

Support of International Community
Several Asian countries such as India and China and Russia along with a few European countries are pleased to see a united Sri Lanka. Imperialist countries and colonial, capitalist groups want to see Sri Lanka split into two regions or at least they want to see a divisive, federal state established in this country.

Let us start this comment reminding the fact that war victory was achieved with the aid of the Executive Presidential System. It is a duel knife that sharply cuts through on both sides, and if effectively maneuvered, it could cut through the most needed thing in the most desired way.

Lately, the most vociferous demand of the opposition has been about getting the Executive Presidential System abolished. There are many other problems that beset the country today. The first of those is the cost-of-living. Development of the country is the next. The main concern of post-war Sri Lanka is how to resurrect the country from its current plight.

However, in Sri Lanka politics has painfully become an abhorrent "belly-filling" concept. Therefore, resurrection of the country naturally gets undermined. Slogans are being voiced highly nowadays, that Executive Presidential system should be scrapped.

History of the Presidential System
Let us leave talking about those vociferous slogans aside, and analyze the history of the presidential system.

President J.R Jayewardene introduced the Executive Presidential System hoping to rule the country forever, under the United National Party (UNP). Jayewardene obtained undated resignation letters from his own MPs to "break their legs" in case they disobeyed him. He exercised his powers to get 'Gonawela Sunil' (an alleged criminal) released from jail and made him a justice-of-peace. Apart from that, we can't recall anything important Jayewardene did using his executive powers.

However, President Premadasa did not need executive presidential powers carryon to do what he wanted, but used other methods to get the work done. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) knows more about it than us.

Later, Chandrika Kumarathunga came to power saying that the presidential system would be abolished, but this slogan was swept under the carpet, when her government formed an alliance with the JVP. Amazingly, one morning, the JVP was rudely awoken to their old slogan of scrapping the Executive Presidency when they got up to find themselves chased from the United People Freedom Alliance government.

In fact, President Rajapakse is the only leader who prudently used his executive powers. Rajapakse used the executive powers even before the war, in a productive way. One example for this is, when he scrapped the cease-fire agreement which had been signed with a terrorist who had demarcated the boundaries of the country for a separate ethnic state.

The president as commander in chief used executive power to forge ahead in commanding the forces in the battlefield, in spite of strong objections from the UNP and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) against the war.

Some ask why executive powers are now necessary since the war is over. No sane men would go out, as soon as a spell of torrential rain has ceased. They will take an umbrella when they go out in readiness to protect themselves from another downpour.

End of LLTE
Although the power of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam [LTTE] in Sri Lanka has been crushed, operations of their international network have still not been controlled.

According to information confessed by the leader of the LTTE international network, Kumaran Pathmanathan, Prabhakaran has made enough cadres to last for seven more generations.

Because of this very reason, we would like to clearly and briefly state that Executive Presidential Powers should be in force for a considerable period of time in the future. There is an ancient Sinhalese adage that goes as "even if you betray the king, don't betray the country".

Repugnant Quagmire
Looking at the situation in all these aspects, trying to chase the commander-in-chief away and thereby isolate the defense secretary is an attempt to betray the country.

Politics in this country is in a muddy mess. Vengeances, greed for power, cruelty are part and parcel of this repugnant quagmire. We need to have a united and independent country to turn this muddy quagmire into a limpid lake, replacing it with fresh water, to have flowers bloom in it.