Role of Army in New Thai Government

The Thai Army chief's statement about the military's feeling has led to an understanding and sympathy for everything it has done for the nation, religion, the Monarchy and the people. It has devoted to working for public interest over its own and yet has been subject to criticisms over its tasks that involved politics since they have affected the wrangle between rival political parties. The top military leader, therefore, has had to come out to comfort his subordinates.
Decentralizing Power
The Armed Forces will have to get back to their work anyhow as they are so obliged by the Constitution. As they are seen as a main condition for the survival of the government, politicians do not trust them and have to try to rein in their power. Therefore, they have to check and balance structures of command and personnel of the Armed Forces so as to decentralize the power from the old clique of officers in charge, especially the Burapha Phayak faction which has been enjoying its dominance during the past three years.
The post of defense minister is the first mechanism that the political branch will use to counter the power of incumbent military commanders. Although the minister cannot play a significant role in preventing and prewarning a coup, he as access to high-level information from the Defense Council's meetings on the reshuffle of military top brass in key commanding posts.
Preventing Political Intervention
Despite speculations that the Phuea Thai Party is planning vengeance on certain Armed Forces commanders and kick them out of power, it will not be easy to do so. Existing mechanisms on reshuffling senior military officers at the level of general are designed to prevent political intervention. However, if the political branch manages to put its people to the top posts of the Armed Forces during a routine shake-up, they can later vote to bring in their men in future reshuffles.
It is common for Army Commander-in-Chief General Prayut Chan-ocha to spell out his stand on that the new defense minister must be versed with military affairs, including the Thai-Cambodia border conflict and the unrest situation in the southern border provinces besides being acceptable to the Armed Forces. This is like the military's recommendation to the new government for its selection of the defense minister.
It might look like the military has no choice but give in to conditions set by ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. It seems to have nothing to bargain as Thaksin's sister Yingluck Shinawatra is becoming the country's first woman prime minister after the Phuea Thai Party won a landslide victory in the recent election and is also enjoying support from other coalition parties. But opening the door for the political branch to have a say in the nomination of the defense minister could also be seen as collusion to allow the person backed by the Armed Forces to take the defense minister post so that incumbent military top brass will remain in power.
Many military figures who have slipped out of the power circle are hoping to make use of the political situation to make a comeback as they know that the political branch's need for a power balance with the Armed Forces will challenge the power hierarchy laid down by the dominant military clique.
Trading and Bargaining With Military
The military leaders' move on the new defense minister is interesting in the way that it reflects the political branch's awkward attempt to tie its dealing with the Armed Forces to national reconciliation. As a matter of fact, it is all about trading and bargaining with the military. The political branch has an advantage in terms of righteousness, image and public support while the Armed Forces will only be subject to attacks once they express their views. They are at disadvantage as they are seen by the society as having to stay out of politics since they are government officials.
Game of Politicians
Anyway, a move by the military still holds some significance as it can be used as deterrence t o politicians prone to tyrannous governing. But it has to stop and step back to an appropriate distance once the point is made.
The political branch can exploit this to slip its people in as defense minister and Armed Forces commanders. But if the military becomes the first to initiate bargaining, it will ruin its own image in addition to playing into the game of politicians who could exploit the situation for even greater bargaining.

Role of Army in New Thai Government

The Thai Army chief's statement about the military's feeling has led to an understanding and sympathy for everything it has done for the nation, religion, the Monarchy and the people. It has devoted to working for public interest over its own and yet has been subject to criticisms over its tasks that involved politics since they have affected the wrangle between rival political parties. The top military leader, therefore, has had to come out to comfort his subordinates.
Decentralizing Power
The Armed Forces will have to get back to their work anyhow as they are so obliged by the Constitution. As they are seen as a main condition for the survival of the government, politicians do not trust them and have to try to rein in their power. Therefore, they have to check and balance structures of command and personnel of the Armed Forces so as to decentralize the power from the old clique of officers in charge, especially the Burapha Phayak faction which has been enjoying its dominance during the past three years.
The post of defense minister is the first mechanism that the political branch will use to counter the power of incumbent military commanders. Although the minister cannot play a significant role in preventing and prewarning a coup, he as access to high-level information from the Defense Council's meetings on the reshuffle of military top brass in key commanding posts.
Preventing Political Intervention
Despite speculations that the Phuea Thai Party is planning vengeance on certain Armed Forces commanders and kick them out of power, it will not be easy to do so. Existing mechanisms on reshuffling senior military officers at the level of general are designed to prevent political intervention. However, if the political branch manages to put its people to the top posts of the Armed Forces during a routine shake-up, they can later vote to bring in their men in future reshuffles.
It is common for Army Commander-in-Chief General Prayut Chan-ocha to spell out his stand on that the new defense minister must be versed with military affairs, including the Thai-Cambodia border conflict and the unrest situation in the southern border provinces besides being acceptable to the Armed Forces. This is like the military's recommendation to the new government for its selection of the defense minister.
It might look like the military has no choice but give in to conditions set by ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. It seems to have nothing to bargain as Thaksin's sister Yingluck Shinawatra is becoming the country's first woman prime minister after the Phuea Thai Party won a landslide victory in the recent election and is also enjoying support from other coalition parties. But opening the door for the political branch to have a say in the nomination of the defense minister could also be seen as collusion to allow the person backed by the Armed Forces to take the defense minister post so that incumbent military top brass will remain in power.
Many military figures who have slipped out of the power circle are hoping to make use of the political situation to make a comeback as they know that the political branch's need for a power balance with the Armed Forces will challenge the power hierarchy laid down by the dominant military clique.
Trading and Bargaining With Military
The military leaders' move on the new defense minister is interesting in the way that it reflects the political branch's awkward attempt to tie its dealing with the Armed Forces to national reconciliation. As a matter of fact, it is all about trading and bargaining with the military. The political branch has an advantage in terms of righteousness, image and public support while the Armed Forces will only be subject to attacks once they express their views. They are at disadvantage as they are seen by the society as having to stay out of politics since they are government officials.
Game of Politicians
Anyway, a move by the military still holds some significance as it can be used as deterrence t o politicians prone to tyrannous governing. But it has to stop and step back to an appropriate distance once the point is made.
The political branch can exploit this to slip its people in as defense minister and Armed Forces commanders. But if the military becomes the first to initiate bargaining, it will ruin its own image in addition to playing into the game of politicians who could exploit the situation for even greater bargaining.

Corruption in India

The extent to which corruption may flourish in a particular country, depends largely on the attitude of the public, which in the case of India is one of apathy. In fact, public apathy is the unconscious sanction of governmental corruption. This is, to some extant, due to ignorance, but the prime reason is historical.

Corruption in India is so deep-rooted that even those living Below Poverty Line (BPL) are made to cough up huge sums as bribe to avail basic and need-based public services in the country. About one-third of BPL households across the country paid bribe in the last one year to avail one or more of the 11 public services covered in the study, which shows that even the poor are not spared in the case of targeted pro­grammes.

The 11 services covered under the study conducted by the Transparency International India (TII) and the Centre for Media Studies, include Public Distribution System (PDS), hospital, school education electricity and water supply, National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), land records/registration, forest, housing, banking and police.

Relative Position of States
As regards the relative position of States on corruption in availing 11 public services by BPL households. Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh have an alarming level of corruption, while Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Delhi and Punjab have ‘moderate level’.

In order to get a power connection or to get faulty meter rectified, people have to bride official/staff of the electricity department. Similarly, staff and officials of school indulge in corrupt practices in order to admit the child of poor parents, issuing certificates to them and promoting the child from one class to another. It was found that the amount paid as bribe by BPL households was Rs. 120 million for availing school services.

Armed Forces
The Armed Forces have also lost credi­bility owing to widespread corruption in their ranks. Twelve senior defence officers have been charge sheeted for corruption, going by a reply to a query in the Rajya Sabha. There has been an erosion of values and conduct within the defence services.

It is unfortunate that there is hardly any deterrent effect on corrupt officials as the process of connection is slow, and has not made an impact. Consequently, corruption has been flourishing with more and more instances coming to light. It is difficult to visualise a corruption-force society because those who prefer probity in public life and proclaim to curb corruption are not serious in introducing reforms.

Corrupt Politicians

Corruption rules the roost among the country’s politicians today and finding an honest politician is like searching for a needle in a haystack. Jail sentences do not mean anything to these political leaders as they immediately go into appeal against such sentences and, more often than not, are set scot-free by the higher courts. They enjoy the power and the pelf they have amassed through illegal means.

The main reason for the steady growth of corruption in India is the advent of get rich quick professional politicians. They make hay while the sun shines as also encourage corruption among the officials to suit their own ends. Modern polity is ruled by the unholy trinity comprising politicians, businessmen and bureaucracy. At times, politicians call the shots, which is usually after they have won an election with generous help from the unaccounted wealth of big business who, in turn, are helped by the bureaucracy.

The Measures
Drastic changes and reforms are imperative to weed out unethical professional and corrupt practices from our academic and public institutions. The process of conviction needs to be speeded up. Apart from recommending legislation to protect whistle-blowers, the Administrative Reforms (ARS) has suggested a new piece of legislation—corrupt Public Servants Bill, to curb corruption. The recent landmark ruling by the Supreme Court that public servants can be prosecuted without mandatory Government sanction should have a deterrent effect on corrupt officials and politicians. There is need for transparency and accountability in our academic and public institutions, including the judiciary.

However, the picture is not entirely gloomy. There are encouraging signs of success in tackling corruption. Right to Information (RTI) laws have had the effect of making governments more accountable. In 1990, there were only 13 countries in the Asia-Pacific with RTI laws.

In India, RTI, which is considered to be one of the most progressive such legislations in the developing world, has forced government officials to become more transparent. The internet and ever-multiplying blogs have also played a role, particularly in repressive regimes, in checking corruption. There are other measures such as e-governance, strong anti-corruption agencies and better compensation for civil servants that could lead to reducing corruption.