The ethnic clashes in Assam
Animosity Between
Bodos and Rising Muslims
The toll of those killed in ethnic and communal
clashes, fuelled by animosity between Bodos and the rising population of
Muslims who settled on tribal land, now stands at 40. The killings have led to
one of the largest ever exoduses in Assam
In addition, a lot of people from Garubhata,
Nepalpara, and Nangalbari villages in Chirang have become victim of the ongoing
ethnic violence. However, the deployment of the Army has brought improvement in
the situation.
Panic-stricken villagers are fleeing to relief camps
or wherever their ethnic or religious group is in a majority using all modes of
transport: from horse-drawn carts and hand-pulled rickshaws to bicycles,
motorcycles and trucks. Hundreds were trekking through monsoon-drenched forests
to escape armed militia from either side.
Not just Muslims, since July 23, more than 20,000
people from Bodo villages, too, have left their homes and set off on foot or
carts for the 20-odd relief camps in and around Kokrajhar. Not less than 10,000
Bodos from Bilasipara area alone hit the road in search of shelter in relief
camps. Trucks have become scarce as migration has increased. People are using
various modes of transportation to reach Dhubri. More than 250 horse-drawn
carts and 2,500 bicycles have left for Dhubri. Approximately 35 Muslim villages
have become virtually empty now.
The Northeast Frontier Railway (NFR) resumed its
train services partially which were paralyzed because of the ethnic clashes.
More than 26 trains were cancelled and 37 regulated by NFR due to security
reasons.
Failure of State
and Federal Governments’ Machinery
The failure of both the state and federal
governments, however, goes back further. The area is governed by the Bodo
Territorial Autonomous District Council, which was formed in 2003 as a tool to
end the Bodo tribal militancy that had been on since the eighties. The Bodos
had long been working — often using violence — to oust what they called illegal
immigrant (Muslim) settlers, as well as some other groups from Assam
Given the utterly callous handling by the Government
of the volatile situation, it is only fair that Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi be
made to pay for his mistakes. But his defiant statements in recent times only
point to his refusal to take responsibility. Yet, this is not the first time
that the Gogoi government has failed to respond to a grave law and order
challenge.
Swift action by law enforcement agencies could have
calmed the situation. Instead, a security vacuum was allowed to fester, leading
to retaliatory attacks that led to the death of four Bodo men. The killings
expectedly sparked a series of attacks and counter-attacks but still the
Congress-led government did nothing. This was despite local groups such as the
All-Bodo Students Union reportedly pleading with it to deploy forces in areas
that they had identified as vulnerable.
Confronting each other are violent elements among the
Bodos and Muslims. Gang violence that started in Kokrajhar spread to more
districts including Chirang, Dhubri and Bongaigaon, claiming some 40 lives. The
rioting and torching has triggered an exodus. More than 1,70,000 people
belonging to both the affected communities, as well as others, in the four
districts have taken shelter in relief camps. The trigger was the firing on two
student leaders of the All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union and the All Assam
Minority Students’ Union in Kokrajhar.
Thereupon, four former Bodo Liberation Tigers cadres were killed; that led to
further attacks and counter-attacks. With the Bodos’ nationalistic assertion
forming the historical backdrop to the tensions, aggressive elements from the
two communities have clashed sporadically.
The ongoing violence in the Bodoland area, however,
not only reiterates the governance deficit in Assam Bangladesh
Demand of
Situation
It is believed that appeasement is a solution often
required to put down a crisis at hand. But then it has to be followed by more
permanent measures. West Assam never really
moved toward economic consolidation after the peace bought 11 years ago. The
North-East is a territory inhabited by fractious tribes, many of which have yet
to feel fully integrated with the country.
Remember, the country is yet to recover from the
shock of the Guwahati molestation case wherein a teenaged girl was sexually
assaulted by a mob in full public view in the heart of the Assamese capital.
During that incident, the local police was conspicuously late in arriving at
the crime scene.
The immediate job is to contain the violence and
tackle the serious humanitarian crisis. Those who have had to abandon home and
hearth should be enabled to return. Transport links with the rest of the
country need to be restored; thousands of passengers remain stranded in railway
and bus stations. Talks between the adversary organizations should be quickly
facilitated.
It is a fact that the state administration failed to react quickly after the first signs of trouble on July 19. Considering that there was a build-up of tensions over the past few months, vulnerable areas ought to have been identified and adequate forces deployed. It has been pointed out that in many of the places overrun by violence, the security forces were not visible at all. The deployment of the Army seems to have come too late in the day. The mapping of stress-spots on the basis of adequate intelligence inputs should be a priority at least from now.
It is a fact that the state administration failed to react quickly after the first signs of trouble on July 19. Considering that there was a build-up of tensions over the past few months, vulnerable areas ought to have been identified and adequate forces deployed. It has been pointed out that in many of the places overrun by violence, the security forces were not visible at all. The deployment of the Army seems to have come too late in the day. The mapping of stress-spots on the basis of adequate intelligence inputs should be a priority at least from now.
