Diversionary Tactics, Racial Politics in Sri Lanka

The Sinhala ruling class and Sinhala diplomacy are highly skilled in creating new diversionary problems with the sole objective of creeping out of tight corners. To be specific, they are experts in this art of obfuscation. The recent announcements and actions with regard to the resettlement of Sinhala settlers in Jaffna is also a part of this diversionary tactic.
By compelling opposition factions to think upon and focus their attention on a particular issue, and by crippling their activities on the other hand, the government diverts their attention from the main issue at hand. This has been the time-worn strategy and practice of the Sinhala ruling class.
Resettlement of Sinhala Families
The latest is the creation of the controversy relating to the resettlement of Sinhala families in the Jaffna Peninsula. This has created an issue that diverts the attention of the media and Tamil populace. They think about and talk about no other issue.When they turn their entire attention to this issue they forget their main grievances. Their attention is monopolized by the new issue. Since the issue of resettling Sinhala people in the north has surfaced, their main issues namely resettlement of displaced Tamils, High Security Zones (HSZs), ethnic issue, and development of their regions have been put on the back burner.
It has become a common practice for the ruling faction to postpone or delay dealing with existing problems by creating new problems. This is a ruse that is meant to drive the oppressed class to get embroiled in new problems.
Presidential Election
We quote here a recent example to substantiate our argument. Conducting two major elections simultaneously was a ruse used to divert the attention of the people from the refugee camp issues. Although there was time to hold the presidential election, the government held it ahead of time. With that move it made the presidential election a controversy in itself. Subsequently, the government also conducted the general election. A cross section of people had to cast their votes while still being in refugee camps cut from any and all contact with the outside world.
Not only was this wrong it was also an offense. Giving the people incarcerated in camps no option but to cast their votes was certainly not an opportunity for them to exercise their franchise. It was tantamount to being the commission of a crime because they were prisoners and yet expected to vote. All those people who compelled these people to cast their votes while being in such a plight are co-perpetrators of that crime.
Solving Country's Problems
The elections held during that period took everyone's focus away from their problems and onto the elections. These elections not only drew the attention of the country but also of the Tamil community. Instead of solving the country's problems the government used this strategy to make Tamil parties struggle to contest the election. The media also focused attention exclusively on the election. In this strategy we see that governance means nothing more than a strategy of the Sinhala ruling class. And the Tamil polity as well as political parties were kept gravitating round this strategy used by the Sinhala ruling class to divert public attention away from burning issues. And that is the situation that is once again prevailing in the country.
The issues relating to HSZs, those who are missing, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leaders who are missing after their surrender to the security forces, a solution to the ethnic issue have all been driven below the national consciousness by the creation of the issue relating to the resettling of Sinhala people in Jaffna.
The government has created a breathing space to overcome the crises it is faced with. And it has done so by staging this drama of Sinhala people seeking resettlement in the Jaffna Peninsula.
The truth is that these Sinhala people had never been refugees anywhere nor have they ever received any form of refugee aid outside Jaffna. They have not been subjected to any form of hardship by any displacement, as claimed. Nor, for that matter, had they themselves ever considered coming to Jaffna to take ownership of lands and assets. They have however by some means been brought to Jaffna in the guise of refugees to create a resettlement issue. We can now see that even the Sinhala people in Jaffna are being used as pawns of the Sinhala ruling class.
The government agent Jaffna has said these Sinhala people cannot in the foreseeable future be resettled in Jaffna. At the same time Minister Douglas Devananda says three months would be needed to make a decision pertaining to their plea for resettlement.
The Jaffna Peninsula is not in a position to welcome these Sinhala settlers and help them in a resettlement process. The peninsula is faced with an issue of landless people and yet, those who claim that they want to resettle in Jaffna have no lands or assets of their own in the peninsula.
As far as Douglas is concerned this is an issue that has trapped him in a crisis situation. He finds himself under pressure with the question pertaining to how the government can send Sinhala people to Jaffna for resettlement when it is dragging its feet over the need to resettle the Tamil people in the HSZs in the peninsula. He therefore used the three-month grace period to resolve the issue. His announcement disappointed the government and also created a bit of a crisis for it in this context. Consequent to such announcement a group of Sinhala people returned to the South. But the Sinhala ruling class did not remain mum. It stirred up the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). The JHU said that if these Sinhala people were not resettled in the Jaffna Peninsula it would leave for Jaffna and engage in direct action to resettle them in the peninsula.
The Sinhala Urumaya is not such a powerful Sinhala political force. But it has the ability to create an issue. Its announcement was meant to create an opinion that it was pressurizing the government on this issue. The objective of the ruling class in creating forces like the Sinhala Urumaya is to create crises by exploiting such circumstances.
The government also wanted to show that it respects the voice of the Sinhala Urumaya. Hence, by expressing its concerns about the plight of these Sinhala people it is really contributing towards the intensification of this issue into a problem for the Tamil people.
The government wanted to make a show of its concern for the welfare of these Sinhala people who want to resettle in Jaffna. So, instead of telling them to return to the south pending a solution to their demands it told them to remain in the peninsula and sent the resettlement minister there to assure them of a solution.
Minds of Tamils
Resettlement Minister Milroy Fernando arrived in Jaffna. He studied the situation and gathered details from the Sinhala people. He was already well acquainted with the facts relating to this issue long before he came there to speak to them. He did speak to them for the sake of creating appearances that he knew nothing of the issue. Was that not a dramatic touch? The minister played his role well in the drama to mislead the Tamils as well as the Sinhala people.
Finally, he asked these people to wait for some time. He also told them that Minister Douglas Devananda would attend their issue. Minister Milroy has gone back. But these Sinhala people have become fake refugees and made to stay on in Jaffna. The issue remains unresolved in Jaffna. It has become a burning issue as far as the Tamils are concerned and also poses several questions in the minds of the Tamils.
Meanwhile, this issue has given rise to debates relating to the arrival of Sinhala people in Jaffna. An open discussion was held in Jaffna on this issue recently.
There are voices cautioning that this issue be handled cautiously. An analyst claims that the arrival of Sinhala people in the north is not an issue. But their attempts to settle in the north and in the east and the manner in which they are going about it have turned it into an issue. While thousands of Tamils remain to be resettled in Kilinochchi, Mullattivu, and Trincomalee areas what could be the objective behind the government's attempts to settle Sinhala people in Jaffna?
The government shows no interest in resettling Muslim people who fled the north. But the same government and ministers make a big show of deep concern about these Sinhala people. What is the explanation behind this? No one understands.
Racial or Religious Differences
The president says there should not be any racial or religious differences in the country. All are equal and are the citizens of this country. So he says.
But the reality is entirely different from what he claims it is. All differences exist in this country. Does not the president know about all these differences? Do all these incidents take place without his knowledge? Does he expect us to trust him in all this?
The Jaffna District Secretariat has made all arrangements to supply these southerners with relief supplies. Every family is to be supplied with relief worth rupees 10,000 (SIRe). But SIRe 1,000 only is given to Tamil families which have more than five members.
Racial Perspective
The government gives SIRe 1,000 to each Sinhala family. Is this the society without racial or religious differences as claimed by the president?
It is true that certain sections approach this issue in its racial perspective. But it is the government that's creating this effect because the government needs to stoke racism for its survival. It is a well known fact that the leading forces in Sri Lankan politics survive on racism. That such a mode of politics continues even after such enormous losses and destructions the nation has been subjected to is a matter for deep regret. The Tamils have become the victims of racial politics and the government continues to dig its own grave via this brand of politics.

Indian Bona Fide’s Questionable in Sri Lankan Issues

Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao recently said India stood ready with more funding for Sri Lanka's rehabilitation and reconstruction projects in the war affected northern region.

India has continued funding the northern reconstruction and economic development process ever since the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was concluded on 18 May 2009. India has poured in billions of dollars for Northern Province reconstruction and rehabilitation projects undertaken by the Sri Lankan Government and recently announced more funding for the reconstruction of the Palali Airport in the Jaffna Peninsula and development of the Kankesanturai Harbor.

Victory Over LTTE
There is no gainsaying the fact that India's liberal assistance for the economic restoration effort in the Northern Province, which was completely devastated by the three-decade long war, deserves commendation. But the dominant question that begs an answer today is whether her liberal funding for the development and reconstruction projects in the north will in any way help restore an enduring peace in this war-torn nation. It is an open secret that India extended to the Sri Lankan Government her unreserved support to help bring the war against the LTTE to a decisive end.

The Sri Lankan Government would certainly have not been able to so conclusively deal a death blow to the LTTR militarily had India's unreserved support not been forthcoming on all fronts. The Sri Lankan Government celebrates the first anniversary of the military victory over the LTTE on 18 May. But the same government has not taken any credible action to resolve the enduring ethnic grievance which in the first place triggered that brutal war.

President's Personal Commitment
At the outset President Mahinda Rajapaksa publicly held out a personal commitment to unveil a solution to this outstanding issue after the holding of the presidential election. Then, after the presidential election was concluded, he modified that commitment to say he would iron out an agreement on an equitable solution through negotiations with the Tamil MPs who would be elected to parliamentary in the parliamentary general elections. When that point was reached he then said the negotiations with the Tamil MP's would begin after his return from the SAARC Summit in Bhutan.

The SAARC Summit is also past us. Instead of inviting the Tamil National Alliance for talks to explore a solution to the grievances of the Tamil community, the government seems to be instead occupied with attempts to weaken the Tamil National Alliance politically.

Implementing 13th Amendment
Earlier official commitments to implement a 13th Amendment plus solution to remedy all Tamil grievances are now in limbo and the government is guardedly tight lipped on the 13 plus topic.

At the time that the government emerged the victor in the war against the LTTE in 2009, India was actively pressing for a solution based on the 13th Amendment. India also insisted that the solution offered now should surpass the provisions of the 13th Amendment.

However, what has happened now? We see a subtle yet unmistakable change of attitude on the part of the Indian Government toward the nature of a solution to the grievances of the Tamil community. While India is at pains to compete with China and Pakistan in helping Sri Lanka on several fronts, Delhi does not now seem to be concerned about a settlement to the ethnic issue that will satisfy the aspirations of the Sri Lankan Tamils living in the north and east. Instead, India seems content to be a mere unconcerned listener to all that is said by the Sri Lankan government.

Establishing Permanent Peace
Peace and harmony cannot be ushered in purely through financial assistance extended by the Indian government to Sri Lanka. India's contribution is more direly required to bring about a lasting solution to the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict. India should understand this reality. Her current backing of Sri Lanka will never help establish a permanent peace in the country.

India should also understand that all the economic development in a country which lacks peace will not only be an illusion of a solution, but will ultimately prove to be a wasted effort.

Interest of Regional Powers in Sri Lankan Presidential Elections

The Tamil community will perhaps not be in the proper frame of mind disposed toward New Year greetings. The wounds of war run deep and have not healed. The Tamil community's collective psyche has been grievously battered and bruised.
High security zones have not been dismantled in the North and East. The homelands of the Tamils ravaged. Tamil youth languish endlessly in prisons though no action is taken to investigate and clear them or prosecute them. The Tamil people are up against unprecedented sufferings in the lands of their births. But the government merely offers them concessions such as opening of roads and lifting of fishing prohibitions to lure them to the polling booths.
Attempts are made to delude the people into believing that normalcy has returned to their lives. Neither emergency regulations nor curfews have been lifted as yet. The extension of emergency regulation in parliament every month has become an institutionalized tradition. There are no more search operations and arrests in the Jaffna Peninsula. Perhaps the government has suspended these things with the objective of winning the hearts of Jaffna's citizens and securing their votes. But arrests and search operations continue unabated in southern Sri Lanka as a strategy to lure the voters there.

Election Strategy
By resolving the immediate needs of people which were lost as the fallout of the war the government is making a great show that they are the decade's long grievances of the Tamil community. Because Sarath Fonseka says that expediting resettlement is another election strategy the government retorts by saying it cannot waste time by relating tales about landmines.
Meanwhile, huge crowds throng to see Sarath Fonseka at rallies. The upcoming Presidential Election will decide whether the crowds gathering at his rallies are idle spectators or not.
The United National Front (UNF) Alliance feels that if the Tamil National Alliance lends its support to Fonseka's candidacy that along with the split in the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) would help him to secure a considerable number of Tamil votes.
R.Yogarajan who was the national organizer of the CWC and party member and Deputy Education Minister Satchithanandan, have crossed over to United National Party.
R.Yogarajan is of the view that the All Party Representative Committee [APRC], which held more than 100 sessions, will not produce any meaningful results as far as the Tamil community's grievances are concerned. He says that the Mahinda Rajapaksa government's thinking is that there is no need for any devolution of powers for the Tamil community.
Since Prof. Tissa Vitharana has not released the APRC report, Yogarajan appears to be entertaining some suspicions relating to the credibility of the report.
It is said that the Democratic People's Front leader Mano Ganeshan has been unsettled by the crossover of these two hill country politicians. Mano Ganeshan should realize the fact that crossing over is very common at this time and is an inherent feature in a democracy. Further, there is also the fact that the APRC was only a tool used by the government to lull the international community and Tamils in the country into a false sense of satisfaction.
The split in the CWC would have shocked the main political leaders. At the same time Wimal Weerawansa, leader of the National Freedom Front says the international network of the LTTE has exerted pressure on Sampanthan to back the candidacy of Sarath Fonseka.

Southern Chauvinism Continues
His statement proves the fact that southern chauvinism continues to cling on to the LTTE to press on with their political activities. And they cannot dabble in politics sans the involvement of the rebels.
While Sampanthan says it was the wrong decision taken by the LTTE at the 2005 Presidential Election because it led to their destruction, Wimal Weerawansa expresses exactly the opposite opinion.
Sampanthan seems to have accepted the reality that if he announces a TNA decision to back the candidacy of Sarath Fonseka there would be chauvinistic elements to brand him an LTTE sympathizer. And that is why he appears to be adopting the strategy of expressing anti-LTTE opinions.
He also seems to be under the impression that the Tamil population has rallied round his leadership.
But the people in the North and East are more concerned about living in an atmosphere that's free of armed groups.
Tamils and Muslims who have spent their lives in areas under the control of the armed forces look forward to an ambience that is free of armed groups and the armed forces.
Even when the LTTE conducted peace talks with the government they attached priority status to the need for a return to normalcy in the lives of the Tamil people.
Meanwhile the Jaffna university students, who released a statement during the period when the election for the Jaffna Municipal Council was held, have released another statement relating to the presidential poll.
The secretary of the Students Union of the University says that either boycotting the Presidential Election or contesting the election independently cannot be welcomed.
Contesting or voting in the election is the democratic right of the people. There is also the fact that this election is not a political battlefield for the Tamils. Tamils should understand the fact that the man elected as president will have power to rule the entire nation. Further, this election is also a war of sorts for western and regional powers who seek to dominate the Indian Ocean. These powers are the driving force which makes both presidential contenders dance to their tune.

Opportunity for Tamil Community
Nowadays, Somali pirates tend to often prove the significance of the Indian Ocean. The incident involving a Chinese merchant vessel that was commandeered by the pirates has made China feel the need for positioning a deterrent Chinese naval vessel in the region.
China recently built a commercial harbor in Gwader in Balochistan, located inside the maritime boundaries of Pakistan. But since a liberation struggle is being waged in the region China feels it is not safe to construct a naval harbor there. As such, China might propose to establish a naval harbor close to Hambantota where construction of a modern commercial harbor is underway under its supervision.
At the same time India would prefer the election of a pro-India president in Sri Lanka before China strengthens its hold in Sri Lanka.
This presidential election offers an opportunity to the Tamil community to hit back at India for having helped the Chauvinistic regime in Sri Lanka on a large-scale to completely suppress and devastate the liberation struggle of the Tamil community. And Tamils have the power to accomplish this task.