Trouble in Bangladesh

Bangladesh, the second largest Muslim country in the world, became an independent entity in December 1971, following a Civil War in which India actively supported the East. Leader of the Independence Movement, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman became the first Prime Minister of the country.
In January 1975, parliamentary government was replaced by a presidential form of Government. Sheikh Mujib became the first President, assuming absolute power. In February 1975, Bangladesh became a one-party State.
In August 1975, the country witnessed a coup in which Sheikh Mujib and his family were assassinated. Chief of Army Staff, Major. Gen. Ziaur Rahman took over the power. In June 1978, the first direct presidential elections were held in which Gen. Zia emerged victorious, who formed a Council of Advisers. It was followed by a parliamentary election in February 1979, resulting in a victory for President Ziaur Rahman’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). BNP secured 207 out of the 300 directly elected seats in the Jatiya Sansad.
Political instability recurred, however, when Gen. Ziaur was assassinated in May 1981 during an attempted military coup. The then Vice-President, Justice Abdus Sattar took over as acting President but was faced with strikes and demonstrations over the execution of several officers who had been involved in the coup.
In March 1982, there was a bloodless military coup, by which Lt. Gen. Ershad became Chief Martial Law Administrator. President Sattar was deposed. The Constitution was suspended and Parliament ceased to function. Assanuddin Chowdhury was sworn-in as a civilian President. Although the economic policies of the Government attained some success and gained a measure of popular support for Ershad, the all party alliance of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD)—gained momentum.
In January 1986, a National Executive Committee was formed and the National Party launched, composed a group of Government supporters. Gen. Ershad was re-elected President in October 1986. The National Party won the general elections of March 1988.
Gen. Ershad was deposed and arrested after a popular uprising in December 1990. Shahabuddin Ahmed took over as acting President. In the general elections, held in February 1991, BNP led by Begum Khaleda Zia secured 140 seats. Begum Zia was sworn-in Prime Minister. In the general elections held in June 1996, Awami League won 146 seats and Sheikh Hasina Wajed daughter of the late Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, became the Prime Minister. Jatiya Party quit the Government in March 1998. A coalition Government headed by Sheikh Hasina Wajed was voted into power in a second set of elections.
In October 2001, BNP won the parliamentary elections and Khaleda Zia returned to power. In October 2006, President Iaju­ddin Ahmed named himself head of a non-party caretaker Government to conduct the next general elections. Since January 2007, the country has been running into rough weather.
In December 2008, the army-backed emergency rule in Bangladesh ended with a landslide victory for Awami League alliance led by former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed in the parliamentary elections. She was sworn in as the Prime Minister of the country.
Present Trouble
The short-lived but deadly insurrection by the rank and file of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) marked a critical test for the two-month-old Government that is still in the process of consolidating civilian control after two years of Army-backed emergency rule. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina handled the situation with calibrated firmness. The fact that what started as a takeover of the BDR’s Dhaka headquarters spread to 15 border districts, despite an offer of general a mnesty by the Prime Minister, did reflect deep-rooted grievances among the guards. These relate to issues of pay and treatment by the Army commanders, and a change in the command and control structure.

The military junta, backed by some vested business interests and bureaucrats in power for nearly two years, was turning the administration upside down. Many businessmen had shifted to Singapore, Malaysia and Dubai.
Earlier, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party under Khalida Zia had added to the disaster through corruption and mismanagement. Sheikh Hasina brings some sense to the politics and governance and is widely seen as a secular democrat leader.
The present economic and political challenges needed a team she has constructed. Her good relationship with India, a large powerful neighbour, is to the advantage of Bangladesh.
India’s External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee signed two important trade pacts in Dhaka recently. Much more than this is the Awami Party’s commitment to a secular and democratic Bangladesh and has people’s welfare at its heart.
A serious economic slide is visible with its most earning sectors — service sector, garment exports, tourism and manufacturing — that add up to billions of dollars and employ millions of people.
One of the world’s poorest and most densely populated countries, Bangladesh devotes its land mainly to rice and jute cultivation. Although wheat production has increased in recent years a good thing is that the country is largely self-sufficient in rice production. Yet 15 per cent of the population is at serious nutritional risk. The agricultural economy depends heavily on an erratic monsoon cycle, with periodic flooding and drought.
Infrastructure to support transportation, communications, and power supply is poorly developed. Bangladesh has limited reserves of coal and oil, and its industrial base is weak. The country’s main gifts include its human resource base, rich agricultural land, relatively abundant water and substantial reserves of natural gas. Under-employment remains a serious problem, and a growing concern for Bangladesh’s agricultural sector will be its ability to absorb additional manpower.
Notice to Government
Recently, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina addressed the men and officers of the BDR at its headquarters in Dhaka, she could not have imagined that her Government would face a major challenge from the ranks of the paramilitary force the very next day. She has, after all, come back to power with a thumping majority after the December 2008 elections.
But the BDR men who mutinied in Dhaka and elsewhere in the country sent out a message that she should not consider her government safe from those opposed to her policies. That there is resentment in the BDR ranks over an unattractive salary structure and perks is a different matter. Had it been just a matter related to the pay scales, which are, no doubt, lower than those in the Bangladesh Army, it could be sorted out through peaceful means.
Those who revolted against the State, leading to the death of over 50 persons, mostly senior army officers posted at key positions in the BDR, must have done this at the instance of their benefactors, who are no longer in power. The BDR’s ranks are full of those owing allegiance to Begum Khaleda Zia’s BNP and its key religio-political ally, the Jamaat-e-Islami.
Assessment

Bangladesh is far from being a hardline Islamic State but its so-called secular leaders have done their best to give secularism a bad name.One of Sheikh Hasina’s principal tasks in the current phase is to put down Islamist guerrilla groups. Her administration also needs to dismantle certain support systems that by all accounts continue to remain entrenched in the country for terror outfits that resort to depredations in India.
For its part, New Delhi needs to ensure that its borders with Bangladesh are secure and that there is no laxity in controlling access along the 4,100-km boundary, only a part of which is fenced. What impact the BDR rebellion will have on the delicately poised civilian government depends on whether, and how swiftly, Sheikh Hasina’s administration is able to redress the genuine grievances of the rank-and-file forces — without upsetting the powerful military leadership — and assert its overall authority.
India has a big stake in the goings-on. It wants a stable and friendly neighbour. Bangladesh has harboured many insurgent groups from the Northeast and sheltered many fugitives from India. But the acid test is the willingness of Bangla­desh to firmly curb the activities of the terrorist outfits operating against India.

The United Nations: Role and Challenges

The United Nations (UN) was created on Oct. 24, 1945 basically “to save succeed­ing generations from the scourge of war”—to ensure that the horrors of the two World Wars were never repeated. Sixty-two years later, we know all very well that the biggest security threats we face now, and in the decades ahead go far beyond States waging aggressive war. They extend to poverty, disease and environmental degradation; war and violence within States; the spread and possible use of nuclear, radiological, chemical and biological weapons; terrorism; and transnational organised crime. The threats are from non-State actors as well as States, and to human security as well as State security.
Nevertheless, opinions may differ about the success and failure of the UN as an instrument for world peace and security. But everyone will agree that it has played a crucial role in the economic and social advancement of the people. UN’s efforts in the early Cold War era concentrated on the relationships between nations and the issues of war and peace. Not long into its existence, however, the UN was confronted with the challenges arising from global interdependence and social and economic inequalities. These new realities served to broaden the scope of UN activities and chart the future course of its global involvements.
Role and Challenges
Thus in the above framework, what should be the role of the UN in this new global order? How must the UN be reformed to confront its new challenges? What support should the United States provide for the UN, an institution where it holds significant power? And what lessons have we learned, as an international community, to guide the UN into future? These are the questions we seek to answer through this discussion.
The focus of our discussion is the hope that we have for the future, peace, prosperity and a fairer and more just world. It was these hopes, which led to the establishment of the United Nations following the Second World War which devastated the world in the first half of the 21st century. Today, we also discuss the topic of hope amidst the despair of the death and destruction of a war in Iraq, and the questioning of the relevance of the UN. The Iraq war represents the failure to resolve the international problem through multilateral channels. For the critics of the United Nations, it represents a failure of that organisation.
The central challenge for the 21st century is to fashion a new and broader understanding, bringing together all these strands, of what security means—and of all the responsibilities, commitments, strategies and institutions that come with it if a collective security system is to be effective, efficient and equitable.
Need for Reform
What is needed is to resurrect and update the UN. This will call for restoring to it the Charter functions it has lost, and introducing in it changes which reflect the transformations that have taken place in the world and which are in keeping with the core human values of liberty, justice, equity and respect for life.
An overall assessment of the functioning of the UN during the last sixty-one years leads one to conclude that the following areas of its functioning are most urgently in need of reform:
* The UN General Assembly has lost virility and often fails to focus effectively on the most compelling issues of the day. Its procedures need another look to make its functioning more efficient.
* The UN Security Council (UNSC) will need to be more proactive in the future. For this to happen, those who contribute most to the Organisation financially, militarily and diplomatically should participate more in Council decision-making, and those who participate in Council decision-making should contribute more to the Organisation. The Security Council needs greater credibility, legitimacy and representation to do all that we demand of it.
* There is a major institutional gap in addressing the countries under stress and countries emerging from conflict. Such countries often suffer from inattention, absence of policy guidance and resource deficits.
* The Security Council has not made the most of the potential advantages of working with regional and sub-regional organisations.
* The Commission on Human Rights suffers from a legitimacy deficit that casts aspersions on the overall reputation of the United Nations.
* There is a need for more professional and better organised Secretariat that is much more capable of concerted action.
Expansion of the UN
Many claimants have appeared on the scene to take this coveted position on the expanded Security Council. One such group, the most deserving one, is the recently formed Group of Four (G-4), comprising India, Germany, Japan and Brazil. The G-4 has also stepped up its campaign to win permanent seats to the UNSC by floating a proposal aimed at receiving wider international support, especially from African countries. The four countries circulated a draft proposal seeking to add six permanent seats and four non-permanent seats to expand the UNSC from its current 15 members to 25.

Elections in Israel

The people of Israel want peace more than any other thing today, but the just-concluded parliamentary (Knesset) elections there have thrown up a hung House. As a result, those opposed to any dialogue with the Palestinians are now in a better bargaining position.
Fractured Mandate
The liberal Kadima party, led by Ms Tzipi Livni, has emerged as the biggest group with 28 seats in the 120-member House. But very few parties are willing to form a coalition government under Ms Livni’s leadership. The only group that can be expected to make common cause with the Kadima is former Prime Minister Yehud Barak’s Labour Party with its 13 members. This, however, cannot help the Kadima leader to manage the support of 61 members, needed to run the Government.
Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative Likud, leader of the second largest party having 27 seats, is better placed to become the next Prime Minister. He can manage to weave a coalition of the rightist parties, which have together captured 65 seats. Avigdor Lieberman, hardliner head of the Yisrael Beitenu, which got 15 seats, is ready to play the role of the kingmaker. Netanyahu, however, must be aware of the fact that taking along a motley crowd of those subscribing to extremist ideologies will not be easy for him. That is why he has offered Ms Livni to agree to join a government led by him and help end the political crisis in Israel.
West Asia Peace Prospects
The confusion in the wake of the fractured verdict in the recent Israeli elections puts paid to any hope that the West Asian peace process may restart any time in the near future. If anything, the emergence of the extreme right-wing Yisrael Beiteinu party as the third largest, after Kadima and Likud, shows that public opinion is growing against any accommodation with the Palestinians.
Israel has been emboldened to pursue its aggressive policies against the Palestinians, something that was clearly evident in the manner in which it refused to back down in the face of international pressure over the Gaza offensive. Ms Livni, who is considered a moderate, was forced to back this stand despite enormous civilian casualties in Gaza. The voices for peace and accommodation are no longer heard on both sides. The moderate Fatah faction headed by Mahmoud Abbas has been sidelined as Hamas calls all the shots. And in Israel, the political space has been all but swallowed up by the right-wing.
Netanyahu had a strained relationship with the Clinton Administration during his years as Prime Minister, from 1996 to 1999. Books written about Clinton's peace efforts quote the former US President and aides delivering scalding denunciations of the strong-willed Netanyahu. The Likud party leader was critical during the election campaign of the peace process promoted by the Bush administration, and skeptical that a deal could be struck. He has called instead for Israel to work on an "Economic Peace Plan" for the Palestinian territories.
But with most Israelis eager for harmony with the US, Netanyahu clearly tried to establish good relations with Barack Obama at meetings they held during the US presidential campaign. He has also signaled that he could be open to peace negotiations with Syria, another interest of the Obama Administration. It is expected that Netanyahu would focus on small steps with the Palestinians, such as the removal of checkpoints in Palestinian territories, efforts to strengthen Palestinian Authority security forces in the fight against militants, and economic development.
One is over the accelerating growth of Israeli settlements on the West Bank. Another is over how to deal with the Palestinian Government if the Palestinian Authority, which controls the West Bank, tries again to form a unity government with the rival Hamas faction that controls Gaza. The US may possibly be working quietly for a Kadima-Likud coalition with the support of a few others so that President Obama has the advantage of a more amenable government to tilt the balance towards peace in West Asia.

Electoral Reforms

The Election Commission (EC) is a permanent constitutional body. It was established in accordance with the Constitution on January 26, 1950. Originally the EC had only one Chief Election Commissioner (CEC). At present, it comprises of CEC and two Election Commissioners. In fact, the concept of multi-member EC has been in operation since 1993, with decision making power by majority vote. Two new Election Commissioners were added to EC during the tenure of CEC, T N Seshan whom the Government found to be a difficult person. The very purpose was to put some check and control on him.
There are many countries in the world that are democratic in character and hold periodic elections on regular basis to elect the legislators in their countries. However, the Indian election scene stands out because of the huge size of scales involved. The number of electors in an election in the case of India is more than 675 million, the highest in any democracy. The number of polling booths where these electors exercise their franchise is around one million. These are managed by five million officials on the polling day. It must be remembered that this entire exercise is carried out through out the length and breath of the vast sub-continent with its extremely varied physical features.
Changing Scenario
Over the years, the EC has taken several measures to make the democratic process smooth more effective and suited to the present changing scenario. It has, in its role as a listening commission, developed the practice of holding regular meetings with major political parties in the country. These meetings are invariably held before a general election. In these meetings, important issues regarding conduct and management of elections are discussed at length. The EC through this process, becomes aware of the views that exist across the entire political spectrum on these issues. This is an extremely healthy practice and the EC has to be commended for following the path of consultation and eliciting the views of the major players in politics, before it takes on a major issue.
The powers of the EC relating to pre-election, during election and post-election stages are enormous and often unspecified. All of them can directly affect the outcome of the election. Thus, the allotment of symbols to political parties, their recognition or de-recognition for the purpose of symbols and determining the effect of merger or separation of parties are within the jurisdiction of the EC. The preparation of the electoral rolls and their revision are done by the EC. In the name of free and fair elections, the EC had in 2002 postponed the general elections in Gujarat indefinitely.
Electronic Voting Machines (EMV) are produced under the instructions/supervision of the EC. It has been found technically feasible to programme these machines to record the votes in a particular way no matter which button was pressed. After the elections, the EC can find fault in the return of expenditure by a candidate — the consequences are serious.
Like other major democracies, the EC has formulated the Model Code of Conduct. It lays down the norms of behaviour and action that parties and contesting candidates have to adhere to at the time of elections. The Code has specific provisions to see that the party in power does not get an unfair edge over its rivals during elections by virtue of its having access of the levers of power.
The EC is accordingly empowered to do anything for holding free and fair elections so long as the action is not opposed to any legislation. “The Model Code of Conduct” is a product of this residuary unspelt power. The Commissioners who constitute it are like the umpires or referees in any game. Every decision of theirs — right or wrong — can change the outcome irreversibly.
A classic example of the immense power of the commission was demonstrated in Bihar in the first quarter of 1995. The general election to the State Assembly was due in January that year. T.N. Seshan, who considered himself as the monarch of all that he saw as part of free and fair elections, directed in 1994 that the State of Bihar should provide photo-identity cards for all the voters before the next election. Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav failed to comply. In December, 1994, the EC passed a written order that until photo-identity cards were ready, no elections would be held in Bihar.
New Guidelines
Recently, the EC has issued fresh guidelines banning telecast/publication of the results of opinion/exit polls 48 hours prior to the date of Assembly or Lok Sabha elections. In general elections having more than one phase, results should not be telecast/published till the conclusion of the last phase in all the States.
As per the new guidelines, result of any opinion poll or exit poll conducted at any time shall be published, publicised or disseminated in any manner, whatsoever, by print, electronic or any other media, at any time during the period of 48 hours ending with the hour fixed for closing of poll in an election held in a single phase; and in a multi-phased election, and in the case of elections in different States announced simultaneously, at any time during the period starting from 48 hours before the hour fixed for closing of poll in the first phase of the election and till the poll is concluded in all the phases in all States.
Free and Fair Elections
There is no denying that opinion polls tend to influence the voter in the smooth exercise of his/her franchise. If free and fair elections are sine qua non of a democratic form of government, opinion polls set to sometimes negate this concept because these have the potential of either influencing or confusing the voting behaviour. More important, experience in the past few decades suggests that the opinion polls, based on small sample surveys, instead of reflecting the popular opinion, have misled the voters by projecting an unreal picture despite the best of intentions.
In January 1998, the EC had banned the telecast, publication or broadcast of exit polls during elections till the final phase of voting. However, this order was challenged in the Supreme Court. The question of law, which came up in the apex court in 1999, was whether the EC had the power to impose such a ban and under which law. The court reminded the commission that a consensus at an all-party meeting did not provide the required legal sanction. Subsequently, the order was revoked.
The EC had recently asked the apex court to decide whether there should be a reasonable restriction on the opinion polls during certain specified periods during the election process. In October last, the Centre decided to amend the Representation of People Act, 1951, to curb opinion polls so that these do not influence the voters. Inaccurate opinion and exit polls can hardly help the democratic process. Essentially, the debate on the issue is focused on two independent questions — how reliable are these polls? And how right is it to allow them during the electoral process? Unfortunately, the proponents of exit polls are yet to give cogent and credible answers to these questions.
Our unsuspecting Constitution-makers believed that for all time to come honest and sincere people would be in power and they would appoint only suitable, good persons to the constitutional offices. Experience should compel to remedy the situation.

India Makes History At Oscar

The account of optimism amid the misfortune and filth of Mumbai hogged the limelight at the 81st Annual Academy Awards in Los Angeles on February22, 2009 . Slumdog Millionaire romped home with eight Oscars, including Best Picture and Director for Danny Boyle, with two going to music maestro A R Rahman, the first Indian to achieve the historic feat. The Oscar statuette, which depicts a knight holding a crusader's sword and standing on a reel of film, stands 13.5 inches tall and weighs in at a robust 8.5 pounds. The film reel features five spokes, signifying the five original branches of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences: actors, directors, producers, technicians and writers.
History Created
Slumdog Millionaire edged past Brad Pitt-starrer The Curious Case of Benjamin Button, which had 13 nominations. The film won Best Picture (Christian Colson), Best Direction (Danny Boyle), Best Music Song (Rahman and Gulzar for Jai Ho), Best Music Score (Rahman), Best Film Editing (Chris Dickens), Best Sound Mixing (Ian Tapp, Richard Pryke and Resul Pookutty), Best Cinematography (Anthony Dod Mantle) and Best Adapted Screenplay (Simon Beaufoy).
The 43-year-old Rahman bagged Oscars for Original Score in the film, named the best at the 2009 Oscars, and along with veteran lyricist Gulzar also won the Best Song award for the foot-tapping number Jai ho. Rahman became the first Indian to win an Oscar in the mainstream section and the third after Bhanu Athaiya (Costume Design, 1983) and Satyajit Ray (Lifetime Achievement, 1992).
The low-budget, rags-to-riches fairy tale and Indian version of the game show Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? won awards for Best Cinematography, Adapted Screenplay, Original Score, Original Song, Editing and Sound Mixing in addition to the Best Picture and Best Direction.
Produced by a British company and co-financed by a French distributor, Slumdog Millionaire primarily had an Indian cast and crew. It was made for only $15 million and a third of its dialogues were in Hindi. It was definitely not an underdog as it won every key award leading up to the Oscars. Inspired by Bollywood, Slumdog Millionaire is an intriguing contradiction — a fantasy underpinned by raw and gritty realism, a romantic fairy tale punctuated with torture and scatological humour, and schmaltz with the purpose and edgy energy of serious modern cinema.
Slumdog Millionaire, which was dropped by Warner Bros and later picked up by Fox Searchlight Pictures for financing, is seen as a rags-to-riches romance and “a feel-good movie”. Some Indians, however, may feel uncomfortable about the way the seamy side of this country — children being blinded for beggary, electric shocks to a hanging youngster in police custody, girls driven to the flesh market — find a resonance in Western sensibilities. Aravind Adiga’s Man Booker Prize-winning novel The White Tiger and Pinki Smile also present the miserable condition of India’s underdog. No wonder, one sensitive critic, Alice Miles, was so shocked by “Slumdog” that he dubbed it a “poverty porn”. The film can also be seen as a message of hope and courage for those living in the depths next to shining India.
Unlike in Richard Attenborough’s Gandhi (which also won eight Oscars and which was also about how one man overcomes insurmountable odds), the cast of Slumdog Millionaire is almost entirely Indian. More importantly, the style that permeates the film is a curious amalgam — one that represents a true cinematic union between Hollywood and Bollywood.
Kate Winslet won the Best Actress for The Reader. Sean Penn won his second Best Actor Oscar, for playing slain gay-rights pioneer in Milk. Penelope Cruz of Spain won the Best Supporting Actress for Vicky Cristina Barcelona and Heath Ledger of Australia was posthumously awarded Best Supporting Actor for The Dark Knight.
Another India-themed production, Smile Pinki, won the Oscar for Best Documentary Short Subject. The documentary features Pinki, a girl in rural India whose cleft lip has made her a social outcast. She gets a chance for a new life when she meets a dedicated social worker.
Outstanding Achievement
India justifiably has much to celebrate about Slumdog's night of Oscar glory. Three Indians have won individual Academy honours this year, and that's a tremendous achievement. Rahman struck the high note with two Oscars. Gulzar won jointly with him for penning the lyrics of Jai Ho a song that has become somewhat of an anthem, and Resul Pookutty is bringing home the statuette for excellence in sound mixing. These awards are recognition of the immense talent and competence of each of these artistes.Unlike in Richard Attenborough’s Gandhi (which also won eight Oscars and which was also about how one man overcomes insurmountable odds), the cast of Slumdog Millionaire is almost entirely Indian. More importantly, the style that permeates the film is a curious amalgam — one that represents a true cinematic union between Hollywood and Bollywood.
Melodic Genius
The recognition earned by the man who was once described as the Mozart of Madras should go a long way in opening Indian popular music to the world. India impacted on this year’s Oscars in another way, and one that deserves a special mention: the best documentary award to Smile Pinki. Shot in Bhojpuri and Hindi by Megan Mylan, it is a story about an Indian girl with a cleft lip who is socially ostracised before a social worker helps her avail of free surgery.
Rahman's music is rooted in the soul and sensibilities of the best of the Indian classical tradition and yet retains the ability to resonate internationally. This is where the maestro's expertise shines through. He is a fine ambassador for contemporary India, one that draws from indigenous as well as global influences but is at ease with its multiple identities. Rahman sees no conflict in being a devout Muslim and creating sublime music for the movies. He is confident and comfortable about being both Tamilian and Indian. Rahman can be what he chooses to be, believe in the god of his choice, and excel in his chosen field of work. His media-shy nature, humility, honesty, sincerity and integrity remain his most endearing qualities.

Truce in Swat Valley

Taliban fighters and Pakistani officials have agreed to a “permanent ceasefire” in the northwestern Swat Valley. The ceasefire announcement came a day after Fazlullah met his father-in-law, Maulana Sufi Mohammad, a radical cleric freed by the Government to negotiate peace. Taliban commander Maulana Fazlullah, also known as Mullah, announced the ceasefire. They have made commitment that they will observe a permanent ceasefire. Around 1,200 people have been killed and between 250,000 and 500,000 people have fled the valley, which lies within the Malakand division of the North West Frontier Province.
Pakistan is finding it difficult to ensure that the writ of the state runs throughout the territories under its control. People are being killed with frightening frequency on one pretext or the other. Even such solemn occasions as burial processions are not safe as suicide bomb attack in Dera Ismail Khan, leading to the death of 28 mourners, shows. The victims were part of a funeral procession taken out for a prominent Shia cleric, killed by unidentified gunmen a day before. Only two weeks have elapsed since 35 people lost their lives in sectarian violence in this NWFP town. Such incidents, occurring in different parts of Pakistan quiet routinely, are clear symptoms of the country becoming ungovernable.
Western Governments, and many Pakistanis, have been alarmed by the Government’s offer to reinstate Islamic sharia law in Malakand if the Taliban agreed to peace. They fear that a ceasefire could result in another sanctuary in Pakistan where Al Qaida and Taliban militants could move freely, and also worry that Taliban fighters elsewhere in the region wwould be encouraged by the government’s move.
Terms of Agreement
As per the terms of agreement, the Government will set up Islamic courts headed by “qazis” or scholars of Koranic jurisprudence in a large swathe of the province called Malakand. Through this concession, the government hopes to restore its rule in the Taliban-overrun Swat valley. The Swat Taliban are not signatories to the deal, but the big, and questionable, assumption underpinning the agreement is that the TNSM leader, Maulana Sufi Mohammed, will persuade their leader, Mullah Fazlullah, to abandon the path of terror, death, and destruction he has blazed in the past two years.
However, the agenda of the Swat Taliban is bigger than the implementation of an Islamic system of justice, and is linked to that of Beithullah Mehsud, the Taliban warlord in South Waziristan, who in turn is building networks with anti-India Punjabi militant groups such as the Jaish-e-Mohammed. More generally, the Taliban challenge the very concept of a modern and democratic State.
Support of Taliban
The state of paralysis has been more visible after the clerics controlling the Lal Masjid-Jamia Hafsa complex in Islamabad openly challenged the government, asking for the implementation of the Sharia laws in Pakistan. The then Musharraf regime committed a number of blunders which amounted to allowing those violating the law to gather arms and ammunition and convert the students of the two madarsahs attached to the mosque into jihadis. It was too late by the time the government decided to take them on militarily in July 2007,which contributed to the spreading lawlessness in the country.
Even the virtual surrender to the diktats of the Taliban in both parts of Waziristan could not help restore any semblance of order or authority. The Taliban and other militant elements used the deals they had entered into with Islamabad to strengthen their position to cause death and destruction at will. The result was that Islamabad lost most parts of the NWFP, including the Swat valley, to the Taliban. Now in the Malakand-Swat region, Pakistan has swallowed the same bitter pill in the mistaken belief that it may help cure the paralysis it is suffering from.
Moreover, it is also unclear what laws this system will apply. Individual leaders of the secular Awami National Party-led provincial Government say the agreement does not envisage implementing Sharia laws. Rather, they project it as an innocuous procedural change to meet people’s demand for “speedy” justice under the same laws obtaining in the rest of the country. But the TNSM, which has made no secret of its support and admiration for the earlier Taliban regime in Afghanistan, will want the courts to impose a strict Islamic code of the kind already enforced by the Taliban in Swat.
With the Taliban offering a temporary ceasefire, the guns have fallen silent in the Valley for the first time in months. There are indications that the fate of the latest peace deal, too, will be no different from the earlier ones. The international community cannot afford to remain silent spectators. After all, Pakistan possesses nuclear weapons, which must not be allowed to fall into the hands of militants.

Food Security in India

The right to food is the right of every person. Every individual must have regular access to sufficient, nutritionally adequate and culturally acceptable food for an active and healthy life. At present, this is a major developmental challenge in India. We cannot feel proud of our achievements in different areas until this basic need of each individual is met.
About 21 per cent of the population was undernourished in 1997. In 1999, over 53 per cent of the children under four were found to be malnourished. Today more than 85 per cent of pregnant women are anaemic. Young children and pregnant women are particularly vulnerable to malnutrition. This is the height of the fact that about 26.1 per cent of the Indian population lives Below the Poverty Line (BPL), according to the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO).
In India, during 1990-92 the malnourished population consisted of 24 per cent of the total which was reduced to 21 per cent during 1995-97 and stayed at that level during 2003-05. But the prevalence of malnutrition was much higher among pre-school children. During 2003-05 it is reported that 43 per cent such children were underweight and 48 per cent suffered from stunting growth. When a family suffers from the inadequate availability of food due to the lack of purchasing power, the women and children are the first to experience malnutrition in the form of less consumption.
FAO’s Estimates
The Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) (2008) estimates of undernourished population of India coincide with the report of the National Commission of Enterprises in the unorganised sector (2007) on the estimated number of extremely poor (70 million) and poor (167 million) of the total population. If in this number the marginally poor with a daily average expenditure of Rs 15 (who fall between the official poverty line and 1.25 PL) and vulnerable with a daily expenditure of Rs 20 are added, this proportion rises from 22 per cent of the total population to 77 per cent. These are the people who have very little capacity to absorb shocks like the rising prices of food and an increase in unemployment due to recession. They can quickly fall a victim to malnutrition even when enough food may be available in the stocks.
The experience of the world prices of foodgrains between 1975 and 2008 brings out their cyclical behaviour. The price index of foodgrains in real dollar with the base of 1998-2000 (100) fell from 250 in 1975 to 100 in 1993-94 and again rose to 175 in 2008 (FAO, 2008). This has a more serious effect on the domestic prices in developing countries depending on their relationship to the dollar in terms of the exchange rate. The poor/developing countries cannot afford to build their food security largely on the external supplier. This is particularly the case for countries like India and China, the two largest countries of the world in terms of population.
National Food Security Mission
The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) had already given its nod to the Centrally- sponsored National Food Security Mission (NFSM) worth Rs. 48.82 billion. The NFSM aims at increasing production of rice, wheat and pulses through a set of measures such as area expansion, productivity enhancement in selected districts; restoring soil fertility, creating employment opportunities; and enhancing farm level economy to restore the confidence of the farmers of the targeted districts. The NFSM will have three components:
(i) National Food Security Mission on Rice: Under this Mission, 133 districts and 12 States will be covered. The States are Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Karna­taka, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal.
(ii) National Food Security Mission on Wheat: Under this Mission, 138 districts of nine States will be covered. The States include Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and West Bengal.
(iii) National Food Security Mission on Pulses : As per the Mission, about 168 districts of 14 States will be benefitted. The States include AP, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and West BengalThe implementation of the Mission would result in increasing the production of rice by 10 million tonnes, wheat by eight million tonnes and pulses by two million tonnes by 2011-12.
Public Distribution System
The problem assumes greater significance as the Public Distribution System (PDS) around the country is in the doldrums and the poor people are unable to get essential food items at a comparatively fair price. Since April 1, 2007, supply of essential commodities to the States has been almost stopped.
For example, in West Bengal, rice and wheat that is now being sent may be able to cater to the needs of about four per cent of the total population. Not only is there a severe shortage of supply, the most disturbing fact is the unbridled corruption among a section of the ration dealers obviously in collusion with a section of the low keepers. People become infuriated when pleas on their part fall on deaf ears but no concrete action has been taken to address this problem.
The system is supposed to provide a safety net to the poor against the spiralling rise in prices of essential commodities. It is meant to fulfill the triple objectives of protecting the poor, enhancing their nutritional states and keeping a check on market prices. It is an essential part of the Government’s food security policy as the Government acknowledges that the production and availability of food per se is not enough to ensure the ability to acquire the food, nor does it entitle a person to consume it. Even the ability to buy may not guarantee food security unless there is an efficient distribution system.

Indian Musicians on Song

It is celebration time for Indian music as three international awards came its way. The prodigal music director, A R Rahman, has done it again. He picked up the prestigious British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA) award for the score of Slumdog Millionaire, which only recently fetched him the Golden Globe, and many other awards. The BAFTAs are regarded as a dress-rehearsal for the big Hollywood event. Keeping him company is FTII alumnus Resul Pookutty for the best sound design along with Glenn Freemantle.
Unstoppable March
Slumdog Millionaire, Danny Boyle’s plucky take on Mumbai’s slum-children, glided over the last hump on its unstoppable march to the Oscars after it swept the BAFTA awards. Here it won seven major awards including for Best Film, Best Direction and A R Rahman’s music. The film, which was nominated in 11 categories, also won the BAFTAs for best adapted screenplay, cinematography, editing and sound. This brought its tally of international awards to nearly 50.
The only other Indian, apart from Rahman, to receive a BAFTA was Resul Pookutty for sound along with Glenn Freemantle, Richard Pryke, Tom Sayers, Ian Tapp.However, neither Dev Patel, the teenage “hero” of the film who was nominated for Best Actor, nor Freida Pinto, the “heroine” tipped for Best Supporting Actress, made it. Both had their moments, though, when they were called to the stage to present the award for Best Costume.
The most important event in Britain’s movie calendar was so dominated by Slumdog Millionaire that some of Hollywood’s biggest offerings were almost reduced to the also-ran category. Critics reckoned the film won an award every 20 minutes, and punters reportedly lost some £I million, having put money on Slumdog Millionaire’s rivals.
One of the biggest surprises was Slumdog Millionaire beating its strong Hollywood contender, The Curious Case of Benjamin Button starring Brad Pitt. For films like The Reader, Revolutionary Road and Doubt losing to Slumdog Millionaire appeared unfair to some, who attributed its success to media hype.
In a different, albeit no less significant, international league is tabla maestro Ustad Zakir Hussain who has won a Grammy in the contemporary World Music Album category for his collaborative album Global Drum Project. Other Indian Grammy hopes Louis Banks nominated in the Best Contemporary Jazz Album category, slide guitarist Debashish Bhattacharya and classical vocalist Lakshmi Shankar who were nominated in the Best Traditional World Music category may have been dashed. But there is no denying that Indian music is on a song, keeping the Indian flag high.
Hussain’s and Rahman’s feats are no flash in the pan brilliance. While awards have been raining on Rahman, gifted percussionist Hussain’s earlier project Planet Drum with Micky Hart, which was released in 1991, had won the first-ever Grammy Award in the World Music category.
Tryst with World
In fact, Indian musicians’, especially classical musicians, tryst with the world began back in time. Renowned sitarist Pandit Ravi Shankar had not only put sitar on the world map but also became the Indian face of music and is easily one name music aficionados all over the world know. Incidentally, he has won three Grammies, most recently in 2002. Among others who have walked the hallowed path is Pandit Ravi Shankar’s disciple, Mohan Veena exponent Pandit Vishwa Mohan Bhatt whose album A Meeting By the River was awarded a Grammy in 1994.
Rahman has shown that mankind can be reached through popular music. Whether he bags the coveted Oscar or not — with three nominations it stands a chance — the West has already been won.The Oscar front-runner Slumdog Millionaire continued its victory march in award circuits by bagging top honours at the Writers Guild of America. The award has given the film another major boost ahead of the Oscars. The film won the prize for the Best Adapted Screenplay by Simon Beaufoy.
Indian classical music and musicians have been India’s undisputed ambassadors of culture, wooing listeners around the globe. The number of Grammy nominations each year is not only proof of its growing international acceptance but also of the innovative abilities of Indian musicians in creating the right world sound.

Post 26/11 Scenario

After getting intense presuure from India as well as international community, realisation has dawned on Pakistan that it can no longer remain in denial mode on the Mumbai terrorist strike. Hence its admission that elements in Pakistan were responsible for 26/11, which was planned in Pakistan and executed from there. Pakistan’s Interior Minister Rehman Malik has stated that six persons, including militant commander Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, have been arrested, and cases registered against nine for “abetting, conspiracy and facilitation” of the Mumbai terrorist attack.
Pakistan has also confirmed the Pakistani nationality of terrorist Ajmal Qasab, who is in Indian custody. Pakistani investigators came to these conclusions on the basis of evidence contained in the Indian dossier on 26/11 submitted to Islamabad a few days back. External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee describing Pakistan’s statement as a “positive development” is a correct and mature response under the circumstances. The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Ordinance 2008 and sections of the Pakistan Penal Code have also been invoked in the case, registered in the capital by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) on the basis of its investigations into the material provided by India on the Mumbai attacks.
Suspects Identified
Six of the eight suspects are in custody, and “some of them,” Malik said, belong to the banned militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). Among the six are the LeT’s Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, alleged by India to have masterminded the entire operation and LeT communication expert Zarar Shah, who was a main “handler” of the 10 men who carried out the attacks. Another person in custody was identified as Hamad Amin Sadiq, who Malik also described as a “mastermind.” A fourth is Javed Iqbal, who is said to have made the payments for the SIM cards purchased from Callphonex, an Internet phone company through which the Mumbai attackers and their handlers communicated.
The astonishing degree of cooperation from Islamabad’s civilian government is evident in the meticulous way in which the FIA report has followed up on the leads in the dossier of evidence handed over by India to Pakistan in early January 2009. The crews of two of the boats, the bank accounts in Pakistan used by the conspirators, and the hideouts of these terrorists in Karachi have been traced. Part of the money trail that underlay these chilling terror attacks has also been unearthed by the Pakistani investigators.
Advantage India
At present, Pakistan has placed the ball back in India’s court is clear from Malik’s repeated assertions that Islamabad needs more information from India to take the case forward. In this context, a list of 30 questions have been handed over to New Delhi to follow up, including the point as to whether there might have been local help provided to the attackers in India. While Islamabad has said that its request for more material and information is only to strengthen the case and take it beyond the FIR stage, New Delhi has conveyed its cautious welcome of the Pakistani response with the External Affairs Minister, Pranab Mukherjee calling it a “positive development” but also reminding Pakistan that it still has some distance to go in fulfilling India’s expectations.
All the terrorist outfits operating from Pakistan, including those responsible for 26/11 — the LeT and the Jamaat-ud-Dawa — must be made to wind up their activities. Pakistan also has to dismantle the terrorists’ infrastructure and their communication networks. This is necessary to prevent the recurrence of a terrorist attack. Pakistan has to honour the commitment it has made that no territory under its control will be allowed to be used for terrorsim.
It is salutary to remember that after the LeT attack on Indian Parliament in December 2001, Pakistan placed some restrictions on jihadi groups following Indian and international pressure. But LeT soon resumed its operations under a new name, the Jamaat-ud-Dawa. That shouldn't happen again. Islamabad needs to get past its misplaced sense of victimhood and take more comprehensive steps to take down terror organisations operating from its territory. Malik's words must be followed by positive action.

Terrorism emanating from Pakistan is a serious threat to peace and progress not only in South Asia but also the rest of the world. India being the biggest sufferer of Pakistan emerging as the epicentre of terrorism, it cannot keep quiet until the problem is banished from the region. Pakistan needs to do this not just to oblige India, but for the sake of its own survival.

Interim Union Budget (2009-10)

Belying all expectations of India Inc. of fiscal sops to weather the impact of the global downturn, the United Progressive Alliance Government, in the Interim Union Budget for 2009-10 presented by the External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, who holds charge of Finance on February 16,2009 in the Parliament, announced a massive allocation of Rs. 1,31,317 crore for its various flagship programmes to spur the economy and benefit the common man. It also indicated the need for tax relief in 2009-10, when the regular budget is presented by a new regime after the Lok Sabha elections. Presenting the Interim Budget for a vote-on-account for the necessary Government expenditure in the first four months of the new fiscal, the Minister desisted from announcing any sops as he did not have the parliamentary mandate to “tweak” the rates and did whatever he could under the constraints.
The Interim Budget is a stop-gap measure intended to take care of the essential Government spending until a new Government is voted to power. Despite avoiding giveaways on election eve, the Minister was accused of making “the first election speech in Parliament”. Given the deepening economic gloom, there were expectations that the government would announce another fiscal stimulus and direct or indirect tax breaks for at least some of the beleaguered sectors of the economy.
The Interim Budget for 2009-10, by resisting the regulatory reflex to a rapidly deteriorating external situation is the strongest signal yet that our economic managers think enough has already been done to insulate India. On current indications, the economy next year should not be too far off the 7.1 per cent growth rate it is slated to notch up in 2008-09. The fiscal deficit will, in the process, keep yawning — it will be a long climb back from the precipitous fall to seven per cent in 2008-09.
Plan Allocation
The Interim Budget provides for Rs.9,53,231 crore of expenditure, of which plan expenditure accounts for Rs.2,85,149 crore and non-plan expenditure Rs.6,68,082 crore. The Finance Minister has said that an additional plan expenditure of 0.5-1 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) will need to be considered in the regular Budget, which will be left with the challenge of mobilising the resources. Anticipating lower tax revenues, the Budget has provided for a higher fiscal deficit. Revenue and fiscal deficits are estimated at four per cent and 5.5 per cent of the GDP respectively. Though lower than in 2008-09, these will not meet the canons of fiscal prudence but clearly in a downturn rigid fiscal targets that seemed achievable when the economy was on a high-growth path cannot be mechanically adhered to.
Higher Allocation for Defence
Another area which was expected to be at the centre-stage of the UPA fund allocations was defence. The terrorist attacks in Mumbai have changed the security scenario, giving a new dimension to cross-border terrorism, and relations between India and Pakistan have deteriorated. Experts have been emphasising the need for retaliatory action. India’s defence preparedness, therefore, has to be strengthened. In view of this, the government has raised the country’s defence budget by 35 per cent to Rs 1,41,703 crore, which non one would grudge. Besides, the paramilitary forces have also been given a higher allocation of Rs 4,500 crore.
Other Sectors
The Minister announced massive spending on social sector schemes for the larger benefit of the aam aadmi. Among these, the Bharat Nirman programme was allocated Rs. 40,900 crore while Rs. 30,100 crore has been set apart for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NRGES) for the new fiscal. With the thrust on higher spending on the social sector, the Sarva Siksha Abhiyan (SSA) has been allocated Rs. 13,100 crore, the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) Rs. 6,705 crore, the Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Scheme (JNURS) Rs. 11,842 crore, the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) Rs. 12,070 crore, the Rajiv Gandhi Rural Drinking Water Mission (RGRDWM) Rs. 7,400 crore and the Total Rural Sanitation Programme (TRSP) Rs. 1,200 crore. All these programmes aim at employment generation and infrastructure development and promise to keep the job market going--something the Government wants to ensure ahead of Lok Sabha elections.
Among ministries, the biggest chunk of enhanced allocations has gone to the Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs and the Ministry of Culture, which need to be supported to host the Commonwealth Games. While revised estimates for Ministry of Culture were Rs 595 crore in 2008-2009, the budgetary estimates for the current year have been pegged at Rs 700 crore.
Sports Ministry’s revised estimates last year were Rs 1,311 crore, but the budgetary estimates this year have been proposed at Rs 1,490 crore. This has been done to ensure availability of resources for the Commonwealth Games to be hosted in Delhi in 2010.
The irony of the last budget of the outgoing Government is that it comes after the tide has turned. The achievements the economy has notched up in each of the four preceding years are remarkable. It does the UPA credit for not succumbing to the temptation of fresh giveaways, particularly when it would have conventional economic wisdom on its side. The Vajpayee government handed over fairly healthy Government books to Manmohan Singh. The next Government’s inheritance need not have a bigger hole than there is already. Continuity in economic management despite a change of the political guard portends well for India.

Interim Railway Budget (2009-10)

Shying away from presenting a populist budget just before the 15th Lok Sabha elections, the Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav has, lived up to his promise of easing the common man’s burden and announced an across the board two per cent cut in rail fares. Presenting his sixth and the last budget of the UPA Government, ie, Interim Railway Budget for 2009-10, before it faces the electorate, the Minister has set a record of sorts. Despite reducing fares in his successive budgets since 2004, he has managed to not only turn around the Railways, which was heading for a sure economic crash, but also generated higher revenues year after year.
The Railway Minister also made an announcement for introducing 43 new trains, extension of 14 and an increase in the frequency of 14 others, apart from earmarking a higher plan outlay of Rs 37,905 crore towards expansion in the next fiscal year. He also announced reduction in the fares of the ordinary passenger trains by Re one for ticket costing up to Rs 50 for journey above 10 km.
Freight Rates Unchanged
The Railway Minister also left the freight rates unchanged to keep traffic from shifting to road transport that has become cheaper following cut in diesel prices. The Minister said that a number of steps had been taken to increase freight revenue. These include transporting double-stack containers on the electrified Western Dedicated Freight Corridor, and improving wagon design to increase capacity of goods rakes by 78 per cent. Construction of Eastern Freight Corridor had also commenced, while adding that the average annual growth rate of freight loading increased from around three percent in the last decade to about eight per cent.
However, a freight reduction could have helped the battered India Inc, especially since the Government, unlike the cash-rich Railways, is hard-pressed for resources to bail out industry. Perhaps, he has left the issue to be resolved by the next Government at the Centre.
Respecting the aspirations of the long distance passengers he has decided to reduce the second class and sleeper class fares of all mail and express and ordinary passenger trains by two per cent for the ticket costing more than Rs 50. He said during the last four years, he had reduced the fares of AC First Class by 28 per cent and AC II tier by 20 per cent. The Indian Railways are the second largest railroad in the world under a single management, running more than 11,000 trains every day, 7,000 of which are for passengers.
The network comprises 108,706 km and ferries 14 million passengers daily from 6,853 stations across the length and breadth of the country. “Earlier, at the time of the railway budget, people used to be apprehensive about the possible increase in passenger fares; now, on the other hand on the eve of my budget, people appear not only hopeful but sanguine about the likely reduction in passenger fares. The Railway Minister also announced four more “Garib Raths” - low-cost AC trains. Notably, 604 new trains have been introduced in Lalu’s tenure. Even as air travel is reflecting reduction in number of passengers due to economic downturn, there has been a significant increase in the number of rail passengers.
Impressive Performance
The Railways has managed to turn in an impressive performance generating a cash surplus of Rs.19,320 crore (before tax) for 2008-09, despite the adverse impact of economic slowdown and decline in industrial growth; the total surplus gained over the past five years is Rs.90,000 crore. This reinforces the internationally acclaimed turnaround Mr. Lalu Prasad has brought about during his tenure. Predictably, the budget had its own liberal quota of proposals for new trains, new lines, gauge conversion, and doubling of track. Capping them all was the proposal to conduct a pre-feasibility study for running a bullet train between New Delhi and Patna. The Minister also promised to look at the feasibility of launching bullet trains on six other routes.
Potentially capping his stint as Railway Minister, the budget is a fairly accurate pointer to Lalu's performance over the past few years. Infrastructure has improved steadily, train services have been expanded the interim budget has inked in 43 new train services to be started in 2009-10 and there has been an upward trend in passenger volume with growth in the coming year estimated at seven per cent. However, the perception that Lalu has engineered this turnaround from a standing start is not entirely accurate. Some of his much-touted initiatives such as boosting revenue by increasing freight load per train have taken off from infrastructure renewal undertaken by his predecessor, Nitish Kumar. Likewise, retrenchment, an imperative for increased efficiency and revenue savings was undertaken substantially during Nitish's term.
The organsiation runs 11,000 trains and carries 14 million passengers everyday, and the network is the second largest in the world. To be fair, under Lalu, the Railways has cut costs, increased passenger occupancy and replaced outdated diesel engines with new, fuel-efficient locomotives. He has proved to the management schools that populism and profitability are not incompatible.

Nithari Killings

The 55-year-old businessman Moninder Singh Pandher and his 38-year-old servant Surinder Koli, both accused in the Nithari serial killings, have been pronounced guilty of murder and rape of a 14-year-old girl, Rimpa Haldar. Earlier, the Cenyral Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had given a clean chit to the entrepreneur. Pandher and Koli, who are in judicial custody since January 2007, were produced in the court of Rama Jain, Special CBI Judge, who pronounced the duo guilty of murder, rape, criminal conspiracy and destruction of evidence. The sentence could be death by hanging or life imprisonment. As the judge pronounced the word guilty, Pandher started sobbing, while Koli showed no emotions.
Case of Serial Killings
Investigations into the murders began in December 2006 after the discovery of skeletal remains of children missing in Nithari. This has been modern India’s first case of serial killings involving paedophilia and cannibalism. Rimpa was raped and murdered in 2006 by Koli at Pandher’s bungalow in Noida’s Sector 31. Koli, who suffered from necrophilia and necrophagia, allegedly strangled her and then cut her to pieces with two kitchen knives and an axe.
The skeletal remains of about 19 people, mainly of girls and women, were first discovered from a sewer behind Pandher’s house. The police recovered human skulls stuffed in 57 gunny bags containing about 700 bone pieces.
Right Verdict
The death sentence awarded to Pandher and his domestic help Koli for the rape and murder of Rimpa in the first of the horrendous Nithari killings is just and well-deserved. They could not have expected a lesser punishment for the crime they committed. The Nithari killings, shocking in their bestiality, were an outrage that disgraced the Uttar Pradesh police.
The cases were registered in a Noida police station in December 2006 and later transferred to the CBI. Significantly, Pandher was convicted on the same charges as that of Koli, including criminal conspiracy. However, the CBI’s role in the case has come under close scrutiny. Though it had given a clean chit to Pandher, maintaining that he was away in Australia when Rimpa went missing, the special court did not buy the theory and framed charges against him independently.
In fact, till minutes before the verdict, the CBI had stuck to its stand that there was no evidence against Pandher. Even when Special Judge Rama Jain was hearing the arguments on the quantum of punishment for the accused, the CBI counsel sought death sentence for Koli, but refused to ask for the same for Pandher.
The CBI needs to explain the rationale for what appears to be its questionable role in the case. Though one chapter of the horror story has ended on a positive note, the victims’ families have a long way to go. No doubt, the judgment in this case is expected to set the precedent for other serial killings, but the ends of justice will be met only when the trial of five other cases pending against Pandher and the 15 against Koli are expeditiously concluded.

E-Governance in India

The Government is using Information Technology (IT) to facilitate governance. The IT industry is doing its bit to help as public-private partnerships become the order of the day. The last couple of years have seen e-governance drop roots in India. IT enables the delivery of Government services as it caters to a large base of people across different segments and geographical locations. The effective use of IT services in Government administration can greatly enhance existing efficiencies, drive down communication costs, and increase transparency in the functioning of various departments. It also provides citizens easy access to tangible benefits, be it through simple applications such as online form filling, bill sourcing and payments, or complex applications like distance education and tele-medicine.This is why almost every State has an IT policy in place with the aim of evolving itself from being an IT-aware to an IT-enabled Gvernment.
The citizens’ dream of “anytime, anywhere” Government services could be a reality by 2013 with the Centre deciding to pump in Rs. 20,175 crore for as many as 27 projects for this purpose under its National e-Governance Plan (NeGP) in the next four years. The plan, jointly formulated by the Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances and Department of Information Technology, will cover all kind of services which can be provided to citizens online. While 16 projects worth Rs. 10,622 crore have already got the Cabinet’s nod, the remaining ones will be unveiled in due course. Resources will be mobilised from private sector as well. These projects to be implemented in a phased manner by the concerned Central and State Ministries or departments—digitisation and delivery.
Services will be delivered through setting up 1,00,000 Common Services Centre (CSC) across the country. The CSC scheme has been approved at a total cost of Rs. 5,742 crore over four years.
Once implemented, the citizens will have all the services—land records, ration cards, immigration details, vehicle registration, public grievances, government certificates, traffic challans and registration of criminal cases—available on touch-screen computers or online on their computers.
Role of IT
IT has a vital role to play in all transactions that the Government undertakes. It helps the government cut red-tapism, avoid corruption, and reach citizens directly. Such initiatives help citizens learn about the various policies, processes and helplines that the Government offers. The Governments of Singapore, Canada and Switzerland have implemented such portals, and set the benchmarks in this regard. With the help of IT, the Government can process citizen to government transactions such as the filing of tax returns, death and birth registration, land records, etc.
A strong technology infrastructure can help central and state governments deliver a comprehensive set of services to citizens. Microsoft is working with several state governments to help evolve a long-term technology blueprint for IT infrastructure. It is working with various departments of the Central Government, and has undertaken several projects and initiatives with state governments as well.
Government Initiatives
The NeGP reflects the strategic intent of the central government in the right perspective. Many projects are earmarked under this plan, and it is trying to address the digital divide.
From a political perspective, after watching the performance of some IT-savvy states in the recent elections, the system has woken up to the need to focus more on rural development. The political systems are keener to use IT to disseminate information faster to farmers, disburse loans, improve education and the health systems in villages, etc. There is a clear-cut incentive to do it as 60 per cent of the vote-bank still lives in rural India.
In future, education, agriculture, State Wide Area Networks (SWANs) and Community Information Centre projects will be rolled out backed by a strong PPP model to achieve long-term sustainability.
Projects with PPP models in these segments can revolutionise the governance experience. In the next couple of years the industry is expected to grow by 22-25 per cent.
E-governance holds advantages for the business community too, playing the role of a catalyst and a channel for e-business, a fact evidenced by developments in the US and Singapore. But perhaps the single-largest benefit of e-governance is its potential to give birth to an entire web-based economy.

Bharat Ratna for Bhimsen Joshi

Acclaimed Hindustani classical vocalist Pandit Bhimsen Joshi has been awarded the Bharat Ratna, the country’s highest civilian award. He has been conferred the prestigious award comprising a Sanad (certificate) signed by the President Ms. Pratibha Patil and a medallion by a senior bureaucrat. The doyen of classical singing, the affable and outgoing Pandit Bhimsen is the first recipient of the award since 2001 when it was jointly awarded to the Melody Queen Lata Mangeshkar and the shehnai maestro Ustad Bismillah Khan in 2001.
Long Singing Career
The 87-year-old Pandit Bhimsen is also the recipient of Padma Vibhushan (1999), Padma Bhushan (1985) and Padma Shri (1972). Bharat Ratna caps his six-decade-old singing career.
A descendant of the Kirana Gharana, Pandit Bhimsen is renowned for his khayal form of singing as well as bhajans. At the age of 11, he left his home to learn singing through the age-old guru-shishya tradition and spent three years at Gwalior, Lucknow and Rampur trying to find a good guru. In 1936, Rambhau Kundgolkar, popularly known as Sawai Gandharva, agreed to be his guru. Pandit Bhimsen’s first live performance was at the age of 19 and his debut album, containing a few songs in Kannada and Hindi, was released a year later.
Robust Style
A unifying chord Pandit Bhimsen embodies resonates from 20 years ago: the popular spots on Doordarshan produced in 1988 by the Lok Seva Sanchar Parishad, Mile Sur Mera Tumhara and Goonje Mangal Des Rag. They had a medley of top Hindustani, Carnatic, folk and Bollywood musicians sing and play together in a year that was a cusp between a decade of militancy in Punjab and the start of militancy in Kashmir. Their theme was Indian unity and the music was unforgettable led by Pandit Bhimsen.
The world of Indian classical music thus rightly went into raptures following the conferment of Bharat Ratna on this “gem of a man, affectionate and helpful”. The legendary Kirana Gharana is known for his robust style and mellifluous voice.

Pakistan Nuclear Scientist is Set Free

Pakistan’s disgraced nuclear scientist Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, who helped develop nuclear weapons and allegedly leaked atomic secrets to North Korea, Iran and Libya, has recently been freed from years of de facto house arrest by a High Court ruling. A smiling Dr.Khan emerged from his house in Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad and addressed mediapersons face-to-face for the first time since 2004. However, he indicated he would not be discussing Pakistan's atomic bomb program or about who was involved in leaking its secrets around the world.
Dr.Khan, the architect of Pakistan's nuclear programme, took sole responsibility in 2004 for leaking the nuclear secrets but was immediately pardoned by former President Pervez Musharraf and placed under de facto house arrest. The Government insists neither it nor the Pakistani military was aware of his activities. It was apparent then that this was an elaborate camouflage. Dr. Khan was, in essence, being sequestered from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) investigators and American interrogators. The matter was not taken up at the United Nations Security Council; nor were proliferation-related national sanctions imposed on Pakistan by the US. The US also took a lenient view on this case.
The 72-year-old Dr.Khan, who has suffered a string of illnesses, began agitating for an end to the restrictions after ouster of the President Musharraf in 2008. Over the past year, he has been allowed to occasionally meet friends outside his house and has often spoken to media over the phone.
In response to an appeal by his lawyers, the Islamabad High Court declared Dr.Khan "a free citizen". The Court stated that other details of the order were confidential. The freedom was limited to Islamabad and that "more strings have been attached" regarding what he could say.
Result of Compromise
The decision was the result of a compromise with the government and that "security measures" for Dr.Khan would remain. The Government has never said that Khan was under house arrest, maintaining he was being held for his own security.In 2008, an order issued by the same Court barred him from discussing the subject of nuclear proliferation even with his relatives.
A pariah in the West, Dr. Khan is lionised by conservatives and Islamists for making Pakistan the world's only Muslim nuclear power and is a hero to many ordinary citizens. One of his first visitors was a senator from the country's most powerful Islamist party. It said Pakistan has taken "all necessary measures to promote the goals of non-proliferation. The so called Dr.Khan affair is a closed chapter."
Whatever the domestic calculations of the civilian authorities and the military establishment in releasing Dr. Khan now, the decision underlines the continuing proliferation challenge emanating from Islamabad. The former proliferator may not have any formal connection to Pakistan’s nuclear programme but the international ring he helped establish exists.
Impact on US-Pak Relations
With a new President in the White House, it will be interesting to watch the impact of the Court’s judgment on the US-Pak relations. The US Democrats committed to nuclear non-proliferation are unlikely to take it lightly. In January 2009, the US had imposed sanctions on the controversial scientist, his 12 associates and three Pakistani companies, barring them from any deal with the US Government and private enterprises. Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal has been the subject of wide coverage in the US media in recent weeks. This may be Pakistan’s way of reminding the international community, ahead of the donor countries’ meeting, that it cannot be allowed to fail and that Islamabad is capable of taking a defiant stand. This indicates that the nuclear network of Dr.Khan is still intact. The story of Pakistan’s nuclear programme would have been different today had the CIA not prevailed upon the Dutch authorities in 1975 not to arrest Dr.Khan when he was suspected of stealing classified information and secretly providing it to the Pakistani authorities.
The man guilty of having committed such a serious crime as indulging in illegal trade in nuclear-enrichment technology and blueprints remains unrepentant. He has provided proof of this through his latest comments. The fact is that what he did was not entirely his own project. Dr.Khan himself stated some time ago that his nuclear proliferation activities were known to the Pakistan Army high-ups and the ISI. His argument was that it could not have been possible for him to send centrifuges to North Korea, which he did through that the country’s military aircraft in 2000, with the Pakistan Army remaining ignorant about it. That is why the Pakistan establishment had been refusing to allow him to be interrogated by any outside agency.
In fact, the US in a position similar to the early 1980s. It was prepared to sacrifice its non-proliferation policy to enlist Pakistani support for the mujahideen campaign against soviet forces in Afghanistan. Now it may have to sacrifice its missile defence and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) expansion policies to have logistic facilities via Russia and Central Asia to deal with the situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The US needs to see Dr.Khan provocation for what it is. If he accepts Pakistani assurances that the nuclear scientist will do no harm, he will be exposing a chink in his armour. At the same time, a no-compromise line will define him as a man who means business.

Indian Premier League (IPL): The Globalised Event in Cricket

It has been a dream start for the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI)-backed DLF-Indian Premier League (IPL) second edition, which is said to be the future of cricket. Having come into as a knee-jerk reaction to the Indian Cricket League (ICL) and galvanised into action as a result of the sudden victory India achieved in the inaugural ICC Twenty20 World Cup in South Africa in September 2007, the IPL has set to alter drastically the way the game is played, governed and viewed across the globe. With a total of $13.59 million in their pocket, the eight IPL franchisees have the option of buying 17 players from a pool of 50. In the auction, 18 players from Australia, seven from England, five from Sri Lanka, three from New Zealand, seven from South Africa, six from West Indies and four from Bangladesh were up for grabs. Pakistan’s decision to not allow players to play in this year’s IPL was a counter to the Indian decision to cancel the scheduled Pakistan tour in January 2009.
Chennai Super Kings have a spending limit of up to $two million for two slots, the Deccan Chargers $1.9 million for two, the Knight Riders $1.21 for one, the Kings' XI Punjab $1.45 million for two, Mumbai Indians $1.76 million for three players, Rajasthan Royals $1.875 million for two and Bangalore Royal Challengers $1.945 for two slots. Unlike the first edition of the IPL, franchisees were more focused about their needs this time.
Costliest Players
English cricketers Kevin Pietersen and Andrew Flintoff became the costliest players in the Twenty20 Indian Premier League as they won record contracts at the pre-season auction in Panaji (Goa) on February 6, 2009. While Pietersen was snared by Vijay Mallya’s Bangalore Royal Challengers for $1.55 million, Flintoff was snapped up by Chennai Super Kings (CSK) for the same amount. Super Kings’ captain Mahendra Singh Dhoni had been the most expensive player in the inaugural IPL with a $1.5 million bid. The Englishmen, in auction for the first time, had a good outing at the Taj Aguada with the two former captains turning out to be the top draw for 21 days of the competition from April 10,2009.
However, Flintoff and Pietersen will receive much less because of their 12 per cent commitment to their agents and a possible 10 per cent disbursement to their respective counties. Moreover they will be paid by the number of matches they play for their team. It took just over two hours of zealous bidding to fill the 17 slots available in the eight teams. Young South African bat J.P. Duminy was picked up by Mumbai Indians for $9,50,000, over three times his base price.
Defending champion Rajasthan Royals added Aussie paceman Shaun Tait to its arsenal, coughing up $375,000 in the bargain. Tait became only the second of 18 Australians in the fray to receive a winning bid, the other being Tasmanian batsman George Bailey. Royals also collected Middlesex all-rounder Tyron Henderson for a surprisingly generous $650,000.
England’s Ravi Bopara managed to treble his base price too, joining his blood brothers in King’s XI Punjab for $450,000. Former England ODI captain Paul Collingwood and compatriot Owais Shah joined the ranks of Delhi Daredevils, capping a fruitful outing for the Britons. West Indian Ramnaresh Sarwan and Aussies Brad Haddin and Stuart Clark found no takers. Chamara Kapugedara and Samit Patel had to return unhitched as well.
The punch of the auction at the second edition of IPL, though, was provided by 25-year-old Bangladeshi fast bowler Mashrafe Mortaza, who was in the eye of a bidding storm triggered by the Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR) and Punjab. Mortaza was finally grabbed by Knight Riders for a logic-defying $600,000 that was 12 times the player’s $50,000 base price.Though Luke Wright and Samit Patil remained unsold, the franchises who have replacement rights can still rope them in because they are part of the initial list of 115 players made available for the auction.
Mumbai Indians picked up South African Jean-Paul Duminy ($950,000) while Rajasthan Royals took Duminy’s compatriot Tyron Henderson for $650,000. Apart from Duminy, Mumbai Indians also picked New Zealand’s seam bowler Kyle Mills and Bangladesh’s Mohammad Ashraful.
King XI’s Calculated Move
By being in constant touch with coach Tom Moody, Kings XI owners Preity Zinta and Ness Wadia outwitted KKR’s John Buchanan by making the latter loosen the purse strings for Mortaza and got a bargain in West Indian fast bowler Jerome Taylor for $150,000, who was unsold at the first round of bidding. KKR was entitled to buy one player and it came into the last round with $1.21 million intact. Knowing this fact, Mohali increased the bids and finally forced a desperate KKR to pick Mortaza.
The IPL is already the most globalised event in world cricket and is predicted to match the Enlish Premier League in viewership and revenues. As far as Test cricket is concerned, it continues to an attractive prepositions in countries like Australia, but the Twenty20 format has become the real money-spinner.

Whither Higher Education in India?

After many decades, one gets the sense that higher education prominently is the nation-building project. At least the UPA Government demonstrates a great degree of attachment to higher education. It knows what ails higher education and has taken quick corrective measures.
The biggest strength of the higher education in the country lies in the fact that there is a large literate population in India. We have inherited a fairly developed, even though it is deficient, education structure. We have more and more people who are keen to take advantage of education. With the current trend and progress, India is expected to emerge as a superpower by the year 2020. The only challenge is to pay more attention to education.
The Government wants to turn the clock back on higher education by pushing new regulations whose outcome would be quasi-collectivisation of private 0f private universities. As per the regulations prepared by the University Grant Commission (UGC), that the esteemed body will have the power to fix a uniform free structure for all deemed universities, apart from overseeing a centralized admission process, which will determine student intake at these universities.
The status of deemed universities granted to some private institutions gives them a measure of autonomy in running their affairs, on the principle that an institution can attain excellence only if administrators are given a free hand in running it. But the proposed centralisation of critical decisions by making them the province of bureaucratic puppetmasters at the UGC would turn the definition of deemed universities on its head.
The UGC and its sister organisation, the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE), have been accused of becoming rent collection points by creating artificial scarcity in higher education, where demand surpass supply by a wide margin.
Literacy in India
In 1951, India’s literacy was only 18.3 per cent. Today the rate stands at 64.8 per cent. Quite a big leap for independent India. However, India continues to lag behind several other developing countries in the region.
China’s adult literacy rate was 78.3 per cent in 1990 and 85.8 per cent in 2001, when India reported 49.3 per cent and 58.0 per cent respectively. Sri Lanka posted youth literacy rate of 95.1 per cent (1990) and 96.9 per cent (2001) while India’s rates were 64.3 per cent and 73.3 per cent respectively.
Census data indicate that the number of literates in India grew by 52 per cent in 1981-91 and 59 per cent in 1991-2001. The absolute number of illiterates increased during 1981-91 but substantially declined during 1991-2001.
The National Policy on Education (1986) provides a broad policy framework for eradication of illiteracy and sets a goal of expenditure on education at six per cent of the GDP. As against the goal of six per cent, the total expenditure on education by both central and State Governments was only three per cent of GDP in 2002-03.
11th Five-Year Plan Allocation
The 11th Five-Year Plan (2007-12) document proposes an almost 10-fold in outlay for higher and technical education. The planners have set ambitious targets—to attract 15 per cent students passing out of Class XII (from the current 10 per cent) into higher education by 2012 and 22 per cent by 2017. The way to do this, they say, is to expand and upgrade on an unprecedented scale.
In the new Plan, there is more of everything—30 new Central Universities are to be set up, seven Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), 10 National Institutes of Technology, five research institutes to be called Indian Institute of Science, Education and Research, 20 Indian Institutes of Information Technology (IIITs), two Schools of Architecture and 330 colleges in educationally backward districts. All this is in line with the Prime Minister’s announcements in his Aug. 15, 2007 Independence Day speech.
Infrastructure in existing universities and institutions is also in for major upgradation. Among the big beneficiaries of these special grants will be 17, yet-to-be-identified Central universities which will get
Rs.3,298 crore. Besides, 39 engineering institutes will receive a whopping Rs. 6,749 crore, again for revamping up infrastructure. A good dose of funds has also been set aside for upgrading agriculture, management and medical institutions.
But this money comes with a plan. The document envisions wide-ranging reforms in the way higher education is imparted and much of the fund allocation has been tied up to the beneficiary institute carrying out structural changes. Some of these proposals are likely to trigger debate and attract controversy.
National Knowledge Commission Report
The National Knowledge Commission’s (NKC) report on higher education is one in the series that began with report of the Dr. Radhakrishnan Commission (1948). The valuable reports have met with one common fate—they are often quoted but remain largely unimple­mented. It is hoped that such of the recommendations of the NKC as are accepted will be implemented. Most of the recommendations here have already been made in the earlier reports.
Among the recommendations that have been reiterated, one that advocates 1.5 to 2 per cent of the GDP for higher education, assuming a provision of six per cent for education, and the observation that implicit politicisation has made governance of universities exceedingly difficult and much more susceptible to non-academic intervention from outside are worth emphasising.
In order to increase the gross enrolment ratio to 15 per cent, the NKC suggests that India needs as many as 1,500 universities by 2015. It is a modest requirement for a country of India’s size and, if implemented it would mean rectifying the major deficiencies.
The number of universities that has been suggested is not too large. Japan with a population of 12.7 crore has 726 universities; Germany with 8.2 crore has 350; the UK with 6.1 crore has 125; and the US with a population of 30.4 crore is reported to have 2,466. China, according to the NKC, has authorised the creation of 1,250 new universities in the next three years.
The Pitfalls
In India, higher education suffers mainly owing to the tendency to overlook merit and talent, while deciding eligibility for such education. Merit and talent are natural attributes. They may be prevalent widely, but their distribution among the people is not uniform, both in nature and magnitude.
Education has become book-centric or the critical and lack in the practical use of education.
The curriculum today is out of touch with ground realities and little practical import. The curriculum does not provide knowledge that can be utilised to enhance local resources through which employment can be generated in addition to improve the existing conditions.
Another major set back is the Government’s policy on reservation. The reservation policy was conserved to counter India’s peculiar socio-economic conceived, in which larger section of the population led a life a humiliation and deprivation. But in recent time, the reservation policy has become a vote bank.
The folly of socialised higher education shows up not only in the number of unemployable graduates it turns out, or the flight of many of the country’s best minds overseas, but also in Government proposals to set up a number of world class universities, as if these things can be accomplished by fiat. It is equally important to raise the quality of higher education, to create institutions of excellence comparable with the best in the world, and to attract better teaching talent. It is only if these goals are met that skills and capabilities commensurate with India’s standing in the world will develop. These are necessary not just to take the nation forward but also to transform it into a knowledge society and economy.

Naxal Violennce

The Naxalite Movement that sprang up in the guise of a peasant uprising from a village known as Naxalbari in the State of West Bengal in May 1967, has developed deep roots in the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh for nearly 30 years from now, besides many areas in Orissa. With almost all development work being brought to a halt in the interiors of Dantewada, Bijapur and Narayanpur districts, the Naxalites have fairly succeeded in projecting inaccessible pockets of Bastar as their liberated areas. These are inaccessible to the extent that besides the Naxalites it is only the security forces that the rural folk encounter everyday as representatives of the Government.
The Naxalites have been making every attempt to isolate and attack the security forces by cutting their supply lines or creating an atmosphere of terror by killing innocent people who they allege to be police informers.
Recent Attacks
Recently, in an audacious attack and the most gruesome Naxal atrocity in Maharashtra, Naxals not only gunned down as many as 15 policemen, including a police sub-inspector, but also beheaded and dismembered their bodies smashing their faces beyond recognition. The incident took place in the jungle of Markegaon village in Dhanora tehsil of Gadchiroli district.
A short-range patrol of 14 policemen and one sub-inspector from Gyrapatti police armed outpost is learnt to have fought valiantly against more than 100 Naxala for 90 minutes before their ammunities dried up. The outlaws then chased the surviving policemen taking their own time in killing them one by one with medieval cruelty.
This is the second major Naxalite attack in the region in recent months. Four policemen, including a PSI, were killed during a routine patrol near Korepalli in the same district in October 2008.
In 2005, 14 police personnel were killed in two Naxalite blasts in Gadchiroli and neighbouring Gondia districts. That year as many as 25 policemen were killed in attacks against only three Naxalites.
Apart from Maharashtra, there are 15 other States which are hit by Naxal violence, including Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar Orissa and Chhattisgarh.
The highest ranking Naxal leader in custody has rubbished claims made by the security agencies about the rebels, but acknowledged new challenges—a money crunch, tackling corruption among cadres, adapting to technology and reaching out to the middle class. There would be between 15,000 and 20,000 guerrillas in the Naxalite movement—with up to 40 per cent of them women.
The spiralling recent violent incidents indicate that the Naxalites are preparing to wage pitched battles against the State by roping in hundreds of militants and their supporters, even as they expand their base among tribals in numerous remote areas.
The Gameplan
Over the years, the Naxal gameplan has also changed significantly—it is no longer hit-and-run assault. It has not only become more violent but also more focused against Government. The naxalites are targetting not the State Police but also paramilitary force like CRPF and BSF. They are no longer content blowing up a Government vehicle by setting off a landmine, but are also launching concentrated attacks against Government institutions.
A report of the Union Home Ministry has stated that violence triggered by Naxalites was reported from more than 375 police stations in the country during 2006. Though activities of the CPI (Maoist) have largely been restricted to some districts in West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, the report revealed that the outfit is trying to spread its wings to Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Uttarakhand. This has been made possible by the huge budget the CPI (Maoists).
The CPI (Maoist) has a budget of no less than Rs. 60 crore for carrying out its armed struggle during 2007-09. And of that, Rs. 42 crore is earmarked for arms, ammunition and explosives, Rs. 2 crore for intelligence gathering, an indicator of how Naxalites are prepared to pay an entrenched ring of informers. The remaining amount is allocated for transportation, computer training, propaganda and documentation. These revelation came from none else, but a top-rung Maoist leader, Misir Besra, who was arrested recently.
The Remedy
Things are not entirely out of control. For one, the Maoist threat is a geographically delimited one, confined largely to areas that are either hilly or forested from where it may occasionally break out. It is necessary to compile a detailed map of Naxalism, then draw up a plan for specific actions needed in these areas to counter it.
Breaking the present vicious circle of violence is primarily a political task. It will require local politicians to not just point to futility of armed conflict, but also offer the hope of a peaceful environment. We need to beef up not just police forces but also bureaucracies and panchayats, making sure they function for the purpose they are meant to.

Controversy in Election Commission

After Parliament, the executive and the judiciary another institution of the State, the Election Commission (EC), has now fallen in public esteem. That the three-member body has been ridden with differences was known. But the nation has to worry about the present controversy the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), N. Gopalaswami, has caused before the 15th Lok Sabha elections.
The CEC set off a storm in political and legal circles, recommending the removal of one of the two Election Commissioners, Navin Chawla—an unprecedented move that triggered sharp and conflicting views from political parties and constitutional experts. In an apparently recent recommendation to the President Pratibha Patil, Gopalaswami, who is to demit office on

April 20, 2009, sought Chawla’s removal on the alleged ground of his “partisanship” towards the ruling Congress. The CEC’s recommendations to the President appears to be arising out of a complaint filed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) before him in January 2008 that had sought Chawla’s ouster over his alleged bias in favour of the Congress.Significantly, Chawla is due to succeed Gopalaswami in the EC, going by its convention of seniority.
What is all the more intriguing is that the CEC, who had been keeping quiet for a year, has chosen to make his move at this time when final arrangements and election schedules are to be worked out. Naturally, there is a deep sense of disquiet among all the right-thinking people about the state of affairs. The controversy presents Gopalaswami in a highly unflattering light. The minimum that the public expects from the Election Commissioners is that they should act in unison and with discretion.
Back to Business
The much-publicised differences notwithstanding, Gopalaswami and Chawla have, however, got down to the business of smooth conduct of the general elections. Extensive discussions were held with representatives of national and regional parties by Gopalaswami and his colleagues Chawla and the other Election Commissioner SY Qureshi. Quite understandably, political parties appealed to the EC and its officers that they must united and not give an impression that was a division among the three Election Commissioners.
Another significant point that was made rather strongly during the review process before the EC announces the final election schedule was that the whole poll process should be completed in the shortest possible duration. The extended conduct of elections not only puts smaller parties at a disadvantage, it also disrupts the normal governance schedule. Once the election machinery is set in motion and the model code of conduct comes into force, even normal developmental activities are affected. This problem gets further aggravated when the elections are held in multiple phases stretching over several weeks. It strains resources and security requirements beyond reasonable limits. Not only that, election fatigue also sets in among the public. That is why it is necessary to hold elections at one go in smaller States and in as few phases as possible in other States. At least the practice of extending it to seven phases as has happened in the past must be dispensed with.
Constitutional Conundrum
The EC is an office of paramount importance and no less crucial than the Parliament, the judiciary and the executive for the sustenance of the country’s democratic health. Any dent in the image and credibility of this institution, which has been given the responsibilities of conducting the world’s most extensive exercise to guarantee free and fair elections, would irreparably harm democracy as much as the institution.
Therefore, now that there is a constitutional conundrum, perhaps, the very process of the CEC and the other members of the EC needs to be reviewed. In this context, the Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC), headed by the Congress leader M Veerappa Moily merits more attention than it has received hitherto. The ARC has suggested that the CEC and his colleagues be selected by a collegium comprising five members, including the leader of the opposition. This is an excellent proposal. At present, the President appoints the CEC on the advice of the Council of Ministers giving scope for appointing persons who are biased towards the ruling party.
But in statutory bodies, such as the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), the appointment of chairpersons and members are made by broad-based committees. If a bipartisan body selects the Election Commissioners, it would reduce the chances of a politically-biased appointment. There is also no reason why only bureaucrats should have a monopoly over the EC.
If one is to go by the law, the Union Law Minister HR Bhardwaj’s response to the whole brouhaha is valid. The Minister pointed out that under Article 324 of the Constitution, the President is the appointing authority of the Election Commissioners, including the CEC, and it was only she who, after consultation with the members of the Cabinet, could actually dismiss any of them.
Need of the Hour

The need for the EC to work as an independent institution above party politics is paramount. Whosoever the President appoints as the CEC after Gopalaswami’s departure, should be aware of that. And to drive home the point that the EC is immune to the political interference, let the new CEC be selected by an independent commission, so there is no whiff of the political baggage he/she brings to the office. The most unfortunate part of the present controversy is that the credibility of the EC has been shaken.